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It would seem that in recent days, on social media, and on the occasion of the parliamentary elections in Montenegro, rules have been established that otherwise apply in honest Bosnian taverns, especially the important rule that is often hung in a paper above the bar, in a visible place.
Photo: Belgrade Media CenterNo, it is not a clause that there is no likelihood, because many pubs live on verisimilitude, but that phrase of legendary intelligence: It is forbidden to sit after!
And the wave of these post-election days, from that week until today, no one, it seems to me, sat down, everyone gave their intellectual contribution, and above all emotionally swollen to the debate about what will happen now that Milo is for the first time in the history of modern civilization. lost the elections.
Luckily for me, in those days, after the elections, I was seized by some illness and little strength, so in silence, and with astonishment, I read everything that was on social networks.
Sometimes I could not distinguish the inscriptions of the sea that I had on the humid nights of high temperature.
I mean my luck, I didn’t write anything and what I was sitting on, whatever I said, I would be fucked cold!
The temperature on Facebook and Twitter exceeded forty degrees, and many “made friends” with me: some accused me of “supporting the dictator”, and others who “read” me and that I only needed a hat, beard and dagger.
As I said, everyone, with rare exceptions, got involved in the showy cacophony: some enthusiastically hailed the victory of democracy and the “fall of Milo”, they ascended to the sky as if Nole had hit Avdulah Hoti with a simple ball and not with that poor judge, while others – presented the defeat of the DPS in the elections as a kind of end of the world, an introduction to new wars in the Balkans and the arrival of evil aliens.
There were also those who, but for reasons of hygiene I do not follow him too much, saw the results of the elections in Montenegro as a victory for Serbian politics, eternally young and of great power, that is, as an opportunity for the Serbs to regain access to the sea, so they can carefree to squirm like their own on their own. And as an opportunity for Montenegrins to return to Serbia, repenting for the fornication with the Montenegrin identity, and especially for recognizing Kosovo.
These exaggerated emotions, of all those who overnight became experts on the internal political problems of Montenegro, which are sent mainly from Serbia, but also from other parts of the Balkans, only heat up the oil that is already hot. On the streets of this densely divided little country which is easy to slip or burn.
Somehow, it seems to me, a rational analysis of what happened and what could happen would mean much more for Montenegro, and it would certainly be worth nothing if we stopped carrying our own frustrations in this independent state. And the smart thing to do, in my opinion, would be to let the citizens of this country create their own future, in any way they want.
Mentor them and give them advice, especially we who live in state tents, we do not have the right: if we were military experts in politics, we would not allow ourselves to live in a country that has eaten up its own opposition and is governed by someone named Aleksandar Vucic . .
If I hadn’t been sick, this is how I would have screwed up and what I would have written on social media. For example, I would say that the election results actually say that Montenegrins, not to say the pro-independence parties, are in the vast majority, and that I am sure that some issue of the joint state of Serbia and Montenegro will not be opened, even in the greatest madness.
I would also say that Montenegro will continue on the European path, and that the (pro) Serbian minority will screw it up a lot if it insists on some significant twists on the western route of this country.
This, in fact, will lead to new elections and a recomposition of political relations in the country, after which the “three fingers” will be again: a long-standing opposition that will play the role of a political scarecrow.
I would also say that those who wave Serbian flags these days will be surprised to see that Montenegro’s foreign policy will be similar to the previous one, which has already been confirmed by the leaders of the coalitions that are expected to form a new government.
I would also say that Djukanovic, who survived for decades precisely thanks to his ability to keep many doors open, was tricked into playing the card of a divided society and starting to listen to his “hawks.”
If he were in his place, for example, he would immediately hand over the dismissal to Beba Popović, the master of destroying everything he could get his hands on.
I would also say that government variability is a precondition for democracy, and that it may not be bad for the DPS to go into the opposition a bit, purify itself, and present itself as a different party in the next parliamentary elections, which can realistically follow quickly.
And I would say that there are many reasonable and courageous people in Montenegro who can wisely emerge from the current political turbulence. They know that the state is like a ship and that sudden turns can sink you.
And I would repeat a hundred times that, in relation to Vučić’s Serbia, Milo’s Montenegro in the democratic and institutional sense is Western Europe!
