INTERVIEW Boris Tadic about the electoral columns, what would he say to Kostunica, Dacic, Nikolic and Djilas to meet them on the street, and here is why he compared the OPPOSITION to the “TITANIC”



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As long as the regime predominantly believes in the notion of opposition leadership and as long as the notion is accepted by the public as a reality, it is no wonder that no opposition party surpasses the rating at the level of statistical error, says the former Serbian president and Social Democratic leader. in a great New Years interview for Blic. Boris Tadic.

He says that the opposition must regain, not only the trust of its former voters, but also hope, because the public has forgotten that it can be won.

– And I’m sure that victory is possible for you too. After all, every time we beat them, that victory seemed impossible at the beginning of the fight. We must reach out to citizens with innovative policies and political content that offers not only regime change, but also a better life after that change. In such media circumstances, in which the regime creates an image of the opposition and imposes a perception of the balance of power on the opposition, the only way to reach citizens is direct communication through intensive fieldwork, but also through alternative communication channels such as social networks.

Events in the opposition are quite lively. How are the current meetings you have held and are you satisfied with the results?

– These are informal meetings to which the representatives of the majority of opposition parties and movements responded. So this is not a formal organization, but meetings where all opposition representatives are welcome. The meetings are conceived as a platform for intra-positional communication, exchange of opinions and strategic coordination, without obligations and mutual dictation of the ways to combat the regime. Maybe that’s the free form and the reason the response is great all the time. So the objective of these meetings is to overcome the divisions within the opposition, and the basic idea was to coordinate activities so that our differences work in our favor and not against us until now. And that, respecting and respecting differences, and not imposing uniqueness and labeling those who have a different path. The essence is to focus on the same goal, not on a different path to it. The impression that it is a special “current” is produced by those who did not attend the meeting, and not by those who participate in it. All the time, the door is open to other representatives of the opposition, and we hope that they will answer our call and that we will send them a picture of unity, and not division as before. We hope that the opportunity for this will be the invitation we sent at the last meeting to jointly create a platform for the dialogue announced under the auspices of the EU and with that part of the opposition that has so far not responded to the invitation to these meetings.

Are there any plans to expand that front?

– As it is not electricity, it is not the front either, but as I said – opposition conversations to which everyone is welcome. The plan will certainly break into columns at some point, not just politically, but also strategically and tactically similar. And the purpose of these conversations is to adjust the mechanism of the opposition struggle so that the moment there is a division into columns, those columns are coordinated and all focused on a single objective, and not to waste energy during the struggle with the regime as before. voter confidence, to mutual conflicts. And whether a larger number of actors will participate in that idea, it depends mainly on those who have not responded to the invitation that has been sent to them at all times.

There is information on possible cooperation between SDS and SAA, which includes some other organizations. Supposedly, you would support Djilas for mayor if he supports you to be a presidential candidate. Is there any truth to that? And what do you think of the idea?

– The conversation you mention has not taken place so far, so I would not like to answer hypothetical questions. And I will make decisions about all kinds of cooperation and support within the opposition solely against the assessment of whether and to what extent such decisions increase the chances of defeating the Vučić regime. The experience so far, not just with coalition partners, but even with my partners, certainly makes me suspicious of any such election. And in that sense, that experience is valuable.

How do you see the opposition’s decision to boycott today’s elections?

– That decision, unfortunately, was never well thought out. The moment it was published and the way it was adopted and implemented attest to the insufficient level of prudence and political inexperience of the spokesmen for the opposition boycott. In fact, I hope it is in question, not malicious intent. The decision to boycott completely ignored the question of the importance of local elections and, therefore, the preservation of the party’s infrastructures, without which there is no victory in all future elections. This created a struggle within the opposition for the local committees and their leaders who managed to survive. Furthermore, the boycott provoked a further division within the opposition into “orthodox and traitors”, and the opposition still suffers the consequences of such a Bolshevik division. Unfortunately, all this shows that the fight for the first place in the opposition is even more pronounced than the opposition fight against Vučić, which by the nature of things is a fight for a better place on the “Titanic”, and always I point it out.

How do you think the broadcasts of the Assembly?

– It is dangerous that these broadcasts are so comical that people are often ignorant of how tragic the behavior in the Assembly is. Prank shows divert attention from the level of gravity of the situation, because the actors in these jokes are not actors who perform Nusic’s play, but members of parliament. Parliament is one of the most tragic mirrors of the collapse of Serbian democracy after 2012, in whose construction we have invested enormous efforts. After October 5, we managed to recover the reputation of Serbia in the world and become a democratic country, so today, in the evaluations of the most relevant international institutions, we would be classified as a hybrid system, thus returning to the time of Milosevic. Both the parliamentarians and the government that abuses the evident moral and intellectual deficits of its apologists from the parliamentary seats are unwavering enemies of democracy. From the most important democratic institution for passing laws for the purpose of building the rule of law, parliament has become the most important institution for eulogies for the purpose of building the cult of Vučić’s personality.

How do you comment on the fact that there are three million people in Serbia who do not want to vote for the opposition?

– It was crucially influenced by the fact that part of the opposition does not give up that senseless ambition for a better place on the “Titanic”, and the government uses that ambition all the time through control of the levers of the public management, creating a media agenda so that only the most negative images of the opposition. In that way, the regime always chose and created its ideal opponent, and thus sent the voters the image of the opposition and opposition leaders that inevitably led to disappointment and abstinence.

Pressure on Serbia because of Kosovo

Another year has passed and we have not come close to a final solution for Kosovo. In which direction do you go and expect something concrete soon?

– With the new American administration, it is completely unpredictable. There has been a new deck of cards in which, obviously, we will face a return to the old methodology of solving the Kosovo problem by putting pressure on Serbia. In the absence of other foreign policy objectives, the United States may refocus Kosovo and Bosnia and Herzegovina, which would put us at a great disadvantage given that this government does not have the capacity to face such complex challenges and the capacity to dilute that pressure on a way not to endanger our national interests and security.

Best wishes to Kostunica, Tomi, Ivica and Djilas

If you met Vojislav Kostunica, Tomislav Nikolic, Ivica Dacic or Dragan Djilas on the street, what would you say to them?

– At the end of this year, which we send, as well as all citizens, I would like to wish you good health and keep you in the hope that we will overcome the plague of the crown next year.

On the fight against the corona and the vaccine.

You were recently discharged from the hospital, you had a crown, how did you get through that period and how are you doing now?

– My experience with this dangerous and unpredictable disease was such that it required intensive hospital treatment to avoid further complications. I feel much better, but the nature of this illness is such that it requires a longer recovery.

* Note: The interview was conducted before Boris Tadic re-entered on December 30, 2020

He has personally seen the conditions at the hospital. What impressed you the most?

– Huge dedication and dedication of doctors and medical staff, who work day and night to save people’s health and lives, establishing treatment methods and organization of work on the fly, in the circumstances of the fight against the virus , which is still very unknown to medicine around the world.

Clearly, anti-corona antibodies don’t last long. Would you get vaccinated?

– Yes, because, despite certain risks, it is the best solution for the massive protection of the population’s health. After all, I did that during the H1N1 pandemic and, as president of the state, I publicly supported vaccinating the population. Of course, there is a certain risk in the application of each vaccine, but I believe that non-vaccination is an incomparably greater risk to people’s health and lives. And he was convinced of that by personal example.

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