[ad_1]
Folhapress
Manifesto signals alliances for 2022, but differences persist
SÃO PAULO, SP (FOLHAPRESS) – The manifesto of six presidential candidates indicates for the first time an embryo of possible alliances for 2022, but all its signatories are aware that the differences in objectives for now keep them apart. According to the report, he heard from people linked to the elaboration of the text “Manifesto for Democratic Conscience”, what motivated the group was the need to mark the entrance to the public debate in an acute moment of crisis and under the narrative domain of polarization between Jair Bolsonaro and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. The text suggested around 4 pm this Wednesday (31) to Governor João Doria (PSDB-SP) by former Minister of Health Luiz Henrique Mandetta (DEM-MS) was signed by Eduardo Leite (PSDB-RS), João Amoêdo ( Novo-SP)), the presenter Luciano Huck (no party) and, to the surprise of the group, Ciro Gomes (PDT-CE). The name of the candidate for the presidency three times was the idea of Mandetta, who stood out when breaking with Bolsonaro for his denial of the Covid-19 pandemic. Since the pediatrician is a public discontent to Doria, Mandetta had to find him; He ended up locating it on Ciro’s wife’s cell phone. In a matter of minutes, the pediatrician approved the text. Allies of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB), the former president who spent the last few years searching for a viable centrist name, were encouraged. Nobody especially likes Ciro, as he is seen as a center-left radical given to populism. But everyone remembers that it was a toucan. Just as he was Lula’s minister, although today he has a horror of the PT. Ciro’s entry into the equation of what used to be called the Democratic Center and has now become a Pole Democrat, so as not to hurt progressive sensibilities that complain about his center-right color, is a game changer. The crisis of the moment helped. Despite the differences, all those involved are affiliated with clear democratic currents and the country was going through a military crisis. On Monday (29), Bolsonaro fired his Defense Minister, Fernando Azevedo, for not agreeing with the politicization demanded by the head of the Armed Forces. The following day, the three commanders relinquished their positions and were dismissed by Walter Braga Netto, Azevedo’s successor who, that same afternoon, issued a note in which he spoke of “celebrating” the 1964 coup, which turned 57 on Wednesday. It was the straw that broke the camel’s back for the elaboration of the text that, with care, speaks of democratic defense without mentioning names. In any case, nobody, in the parties involved, has nothing more to indicate possible alliances in 2022. The important thing, said an articulator of the group, would have been “to put the block in the street.” The common denominator now is that, since Lula regained political rights, the perception was of an inevitable clash between PT and Bolsonaro. Thus, the manifesto was even read by PT and bolsonaristas as a sign that some tectonic plate moved in the race for 2022. The obvious obstacles are mutual distrust. Despite having backed down in recent weeks and sought a more consensual attitude, even pointing out that he can run for re-election in São Paulo, Doria is seen as the most active player on the team. In the PSDB, the move anticipated by his rival Aécio Neves (MG) to leave the acronym without a candidate in 2022 may have followers in the Chamber, where the bench has strong center characteristics, but provoked reactions even from people who wrinkle their noses. in relation to the paulista. In the group around FHC, Doria’s name became almost a consensus due to his political asset embodied in the Coronavac vaccine and his handling of the pandemic. This wing is fond of Leite, the 35-year-old gaucho governor who volunteered for the PSDB’s October advances, but believes he is still ready for a national feud. The other obvious presidential candidate is Ciro, who has been campaigning since 2018, when he obtained 12.47% of the vote in the first round. His break with the PT seems impossible to reverse and he, even placing himself in the center left of the political spectrum, seems ready to speak. If this can be a first shift seam, it is quite difficult to predict. But there is certainty, says a PDT chief, that only one name should come between Bolsonaro and Lula; obviously he loves Cyrus. The other names have a more fluid situation. Mandetta is seen by almost all parties as the ideal vice that, in any case, would patch the DEM after the implosion resulting from the support of a large part of the party bench for Arthur Lira (PP-AL) for the incumbent of the House. . The arrival of the centão to Planalto and the key to the safe amendments in the figure of the Government Secretariat delivered this week to Flávia Arruda (PL-DF) also cemented in the group the certainty of a shield against the eventual impeachment of Bolsonaro. Huck, the name of FHC almost publicly “in pectore”, today is increasingly seen as a candidate to fill Fausto Silva’s place on Globo. But he is an active actor in the plot and surprises happen. Milk, as said, is still the featherweight toucan, although those who defend it see it as an advantage to make a name for themselves in 2026. And Amoêdo is a secondary actor who has voters on Avenida Faria Lima, the financial heart of São Paulo. Absent was a supporter of the group, former minister Sergio Moro, who supported but did not sign the text citing contractual problems with the consulting firm that employs him. Formerly presidential, Moro is under pressure for being declared a suspect for convicting Lula, and is most valued as a valued supporter. The group’s assessment was that the manifesto was a success, but that does not imply one text per week. The modulation is yet to come and will be defined in the WhatsApp group settings. In addition to personal pretensions, there is a concern not to generate excessive friction in party structures. There is a certainty that Bolsonaro’s solution to the military crisis is temporary and that more turbulence is coming. On the other hand, there is certainty, based on the perception obtained in the polls, that Lula’s solution is restricted to perhaps 30% of the electorate, an attitude similar to the one that supports Bolsonaro. How to get to the remaining 40% is the challenge that the group sees ahead, if it gets together there.
