[ad_1]
The epidemic exposed the ruin of Rio’s public medicine. As governments open field hospitals and their hierarchies give interviews, the city has about 1,500 empty beds. More than a thousand of them are in federal and university hospitals. They are empty because institutions have been scrapped (and scrapped) in terms of equipment and human resources.
The municipal government offered 1,000 vacancies for doctors with salaries ranging from R $ 4,411 to R $ 11,000 per day for 12 to 30 hours per week. Lots of resumes have popped up, but those interested arrive at a drip by drip rate.
The UFRJ University Hospital, in Fundão, has 200 beds, won another 60, and of these, 50 are empty. It was built dreaming of being the best in Brazil. The Hospital dos Servidores do Estado (federal), which was once the best, has 130 empty beds.
This misfortune happened for understandable reasons and also for irrational reasons. If the municipality offers a thousand temporary vacancies and they have not yet been filled, the doctors have their reasons, sometimes because they want to earn what they consider fair, sometimes because they do not intend to do odd jobs. Irrational reasons appear when looking at the case of federal university hospitals. During Dilma Rousseff’s government, the Brazilian Hospital Services Company, Ebserh, was created and she hires employees, nothing to do with odd jobs. UFRJ refused to adhere to its rules. There were many arguments, but what strengthened the militancy was the obligation to score points. In a debate on this topic there was slapping and spitting.
In the private network, the doctor is hired for a salary in exchange for a workload. In the public sector, there is an exclusive dedication regime (with the right to maintain the clinic on behalf of a relative) and an open market where there are employees, legal entities, subcontracted workers and subcontracted workers. In this mess of hourly wages and salaries, there are working institutions, but the structure has deteriorated.
This disorganization was promoted by the government of the “manager” Sérgio Cabral and his Secretary of Health, Sérgio Côrtes. They both went to jail and Cabral is still there.
Crisis parrots
There are two types of parrots: the pirate, who appears behind anyone, and the crisis. This one is special, lives upstairs and sings what the finance ministers want to hear. Guilherme Benchimol, from XP Investimentos, shines in this species, but exaggerated.
When the curve of the dead pointed to the ten thousand mark and in a single day reached the record of 600 deaths, the doctor said the following:
“I would say that Brazil is doing well. Our curves are not yet so exponential, we have been able to flatten them. (…) The peak of the disease has passed when we analyze the middle class, the upper middle class. The challenge is that Brazil is a country with a lot of community, many marginal neighborhoods, which ends up hindering the entire process. ”
In fact, an XP employee was infected with the virus in February during a trip to Italy, but the favela “makes the process difficult” is something that has never been heard.
Benchimol speaks well of himself teaching that “each bottom of the well has a spring.” He discovered, but did not understand, that there are also slums at the bottom of the well.
Compadre Moro
In his testimony before the Federal Police, Dr. Sergio Moro returned to deal with the bear he made with the ultra-purse deputy Carla Zambelli.
On the day of his resignation, he launched an exchange of messages with the lady in which she wrote: “Please, the minister accepts (Alexandre) Ramage and go to the Supreme Court in September. I promise to help make Bolsonaro promise. ”
Moro replied: “I am not for sale.”
WhatsApp skill is a thing of the past. Zambelli did nothing wrong. He asked her to accept something she did not want to do. And that? He promised to oil his appointment to the Supreme Court. Nothing unusual, especially in the case of a MP, but Zambelli was more than that.
Two months earlier, Moro and his wife had been their groomsmen to the Colonel of the Prime Minister of Ceará, Aginaldo de Oliveira, called by his colleagues “Caveira”. Doutor Moro danced “La Vie En Rose” with Comadre Zambelli and spoke, calling her “warrior”.
In his testimony before the Federal Police, Sergio Moro said that “he regrets having transmitted messages exchanged in private, but that he could not accept the statements made by the president.” There is a certain solidity to this phrase. If he did not accept what Bolsonaro said, this was his problem with the captain, the comadre did not need to get involved.
Supreme events
After Bolsonaro’s march to the Federal Supreme Court and a meeting held at the Court’s premises to discuss one of his decisions, President Dias Toffoli can revolutionize the history of the House by renting the building’s facilities for other events.
The Salão Nobre, with its furniture salad, would serve for cocktails. The White Room would be used for funerals and the Bustos Room would accommodate children’s birthday parties.
Bullfinch, another myth
Bolsonaro received the “Mayor Curió” at the Planalto Palace and, once again, at the age of 85, Sebastião Rodrigues de Moura was identified as one of the main military personnel involved in the fight against the Araguaia guerrillas. This rating is false.
It is the most exposed, with strong moments of mythomania.
In today’s weird times, Bullfinch may be remembered for the angle of his myth and the abstruse involvement of the military in politics.
While the other officers who were in Araguaia returned to the barracks, he maintained his influence in the region. First, distributing land. Then, snuggling up to the Serra Pelada mining, the world’s largest open pit gold mine. In this condition, he led the garimpeiros in the largest popular uprising ever in the Amazon. Curió was elected federal deputy and, through the PMDB, became mayor of a city called Curionópolis.
In 1975, when there were no more guerrillas in Araguaia, a man was arrested in southern Pará who did not know where he came from or where he was going. Bullfinch interrogated him, confessed to being a guerrilla and brought him to Rio de Janeiro.
General Leônidas Pires Gonçalves, chief of the General Staff of the 1st Army, asked his assistant to collect the prisoner in Galeão. On the way, the boy said that the family sent him to Rio when he needed hospitalization. Upon arrival at DOI, the officer photographed him and ordered him to check the city’s hospices.
Hours later, a patrol returned:
– Positive, Captain, you’re a Pinel customer.
(The crazy and confessed guerrilla had been in prison for six weeks with the right to simulated shooting.)
