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By taking the crack case to the presidential office, Jair Bolsonaro may have paved his own path to hell. Minister Cármen Lúcia, of the Federal Supreme Court, called the refuge: “Crime of responsibility.” When that expression is attached to the Planalto columns, the building’s tenant has reason to be concerned.
Cármen Lúcia ordered Attorney General Augusto Aras to come out of his slumber to investigate the suspicion that Abin’s gears were put at the service of the defense of Flávio Bolsonaro, the president’s eldest son. The minister listed the crimes that the episode evokes: “Prevarication, administrative intercession, violation of functional secrecy, crime of responsibility and administrative irregularity.”
The problem began to form in August, when Bolsonaro held a meeting about the crack in his office. In addition to the host, the Chief Minister of the Office of Institutional Security, General Augusto Heleno; the director of Abin, delegate Alexandre Ramagem; and Flávio Bolsonaro’s lawyers, including Luciana Pires.
The holding of this meeting is an indisputable fact. The participants admitted its existence. At the meeting, Flávio’s defense presented the thesis that the president’s son had suffered an illegal tax debacle. In this version, data collected outside the law on file with the IRS would have been evicted in the process. Which could lead to the closing of the case.
In a note released on the occasion, General Heleno, Abin’s superior, maintained by note that Abin “did not take any action that [da reunião], because it understands that, within its legal powers, it was not responsible for any action on the matter. “
Last week, the general’s version went to the roof. News from Época magazine revealed the existence of two reports prepared by Abin to guide the defense of Flávio in his effort to cancel the crack investigation. The document was sent in September to Bolsonaro’s son, who passed it on to his lawyers.
General Heleno’s GSI reiterated the denial. But Luciana Pires, one of Bolsonaro’s son’s lawyers, attributed the reports to delegate Alexandre Ramagem, Bolsonaro’s friend who runs Abin.
“No guide from Ramagra Flávio followed me or asked me to follow,” said the doctor, in an interview published this week by Época. Under the pretext of denying the use of suggestions, the lawyer confirmed the existence of reports that General Heleno says that Abin did not present.
With little will to look, the attorney general, Augusto Aras, said last week that “the fact is serious.” But he added: “What we don’t have is proof of these facts. [a notícia] become an investigation, it is necessary to have judicial elements.“
Faced with the discomfort of the anti-lawyer, Cármen Lúcia assessed that the serious events required an investigation. Still, where appropriate, legal action is taken. Unlike Aras, the minister believes that the gravity of the situation should not be ignored.
Judging by the ferocity with which Bolsonaro once again attacked the piece of news than the press, the investigation that is to come is not a bit cold. Unlike. Earlier in the week, the president said in an interview that Fabrício Queiroz, the first family’s cracker operator, “paid my bill too. It was trustworthy.” It remained to explain the origin of money and define “trust”.
The president’s monetary relationship with his friend Queiroz is something prior to Bolsonaro’s arrival in Planalto. During the term of office, the president cannot be punished for any crime committed before taking office.
The rule is reversed when crimes are committed during the presidential term. Hence the concern about Cármen Lúcia’s curiosity about the developments of the meeting that took place in Bolsonaro’s office in August.