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The Bolsonaro family enters the year 2021 with the left foot. Father and sons wear heels in a mandatory parade through the Supreme Court dumpsters. New problems and expanded research are on display.
Under the supervision of Minister Luís Roberto Barroso, Congressman Eduardo Bolsonaro enters the new year as the target of the Public Ministry on the use of cash to buy real estate in Rio de Janeiro. R $ 196 thousand, in amounts adjusted for inflation.
The investigation is preliminary. But, considering Barroso’s story, it may become definitive. The minister, naturally, does not see politicians who dislike the banking system.
In 2018, in voting to send Aécio Neves to the dock, Barroso did not take in the toucan’s claim that a bribe received from JBS in kind was just a loan from friend Joesley Batista.
“In the world of legal business”, said Barroso at that time, “a payment of R $ 2 million is made in four installments of R $ 500 thousand by bank transfer”.
In the words of the minister, “nobody walks around with backpacks and suitcases of money unless there is a problem with the operation.”
In another initiative that will take place after New Year’s Eve, Minister Cármen Lúcia ordered Attorney General Augusto Aras to investigate the suspicion that Jair Bolsonaro put the machinery of the Brazilian Intelligence Agency, Abin, at the service of the defense of the firstborn Flávio in the case . crack, euphemism for corruption.
When listing the crimes that could have been committed, Carmen Lúcia included in the list the expression that makes the mandates tremble: “Crime of responsibility.” The centão does not lose waiting. Win.
Abin’s investigation is the cousin of the investigation in which Bolsonaro is accused by Sergio Moro of conspiring to turn the Federal Police into a protection device for family and friends.
This would occur after the transfer of delegate Alexandre Ramagem, a friend of the Bolsonaro family, from Abin’s command to the general direction of PF. A migration that did not happen because Minister Alexandre de Moraes, of the Supreme Court, vetoed it.
Moraes also poured water into Bolsonaro’s champagne when he extended 90 days of consultations mocking the first family. Among them, what deals with the politicization of the PF and what investigates the participation of activists, businessmen and parliamentarians with scholarships in the organization and financing of anti-democratic acts.
The list of suspects includes Councilor Carlos Bolsonaro, cited more than 40 times in the process, and his brother Eduardo.
Father and children display their weaknesses at the highest level of the Judiciary with such assiduity that soon many people will begin to call the STF the Supreme Court of the Family.
Little by little it is becoming clear that Jair Bolsonaro is the head of a family organization. This organization has explored a kind of ghost server hold and cracks over the past decades.
Based in Bolsonaro’s own office, in the Federal Chamber, the family holding company had branches under Flávio’s mandate, in the Rio Assembly; and Carlos, at the Rio de Janeiro City Council.
According to the Public Ministry, there are real estate transactions in the organization’s currency, a fantastic chocolate shop, money transfers to ex-wives of the clan chief, and even deposits from the crack operator Fabrício Queiroz in the account of the first lady Michelle.
A conventional father, as he progresses, takes it upon himself to prepare his children for life. Bolsonaro wanted to prepare the lives of his children. The problem is that there is a proliferation of evidence that the family business account soared in the public deficit.
