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As if making a banal comment, President Jair Bolsonaro said yesterday to the presenter José Luiz Datena the following sentence: “Queiroz paid me the bill too, he was legit.” It was thus, frankly, that Bolsonaro headed for the middle of the mess of crackhadinha, a scheme to steal money from employees of the Rio Legislative Assembly that would be led by his son, Flávio.
For more than two years, an investigation by the Rio de Janeiro Public Ministry has unraveled the thread of this scandalous story. The presidential son 01 and Fabrício Queiroz, his former assistant, were denounced as leaders of the group responsible for embezzlement, money laundering and criminal organization.
According to the parliamentarian, a good part of the millions collected in this way were used to pay bills or buy goods from Flávio Bolsonaro, his wife and close people.
Given that the president admits that Queiroz also paid his bills, anticipating something that the investigations would at some point raise, the question is inevitable: what is the origin of the money used to pay off Jair Bolsonaro’s slips?
Another question: what was the amount Queiroz spent to pay the bills of the occupant of the Planalto Palace?
At another point in yesterday’s interview, Bolsonaro offered Datena a new version of the money deposited in First Lady Michelle’s account by Alerj’s former adviser and his wife, Márcia. When it was discovered, at the end of 2018, the president said that the amount was related to the payment of a loan of R $ 40 thousand that he, Bolsonaro, had made to Queiroz.
A few months ago it was revealed that the amount deposited by the first lady was R $ 89 thousand, more than double the amount admitted by the president.
Now Bolsonaro adds a new invention to the plot. He said that Michelle’s deposits were made in ten years, which would represent a monthly fee of R $ 750. “Is this a bribe? For God’s sake!”, He argued.
Is not true. The deposits of Queiroz and Márcia in the account of the first lady were made in four years. More specifically, 27 deposits, distributed as follows: nine checks in 2011, six checks in 2012, three in 2013 and nine in 2016. The distribution of a possible bribe would then be slightly higher.
However, the main thing is that the loan version is unsustainable. The deputy did not find any deposit in Queiroz’s account that could be attributed to Bolsonaro.
Unless, of course, the contribution was made in kind. Something that, as is known, is common in the transactions carried out by the Bolsonaro family and their friends.
The origin of the money with which Queiroz settled the president’s accounts and the justification for the payment of a loan that did not exist must come to light at some point.
For now, the Republic dries up its routine as if Bolsonaro hadn’t said too much.