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Jonas Gahr Støre is fighting strong headwinds. Blow and blow and blow. With storm in the molds. It is with some admiration that one feels safe at home on the sofa and watches the man standing on television.
Before Christmas 2019, I wrote a comment on Støre and his movement. 2019 had been a nightmare.
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Pila stopped at 23.2 percent in December. “Hangover after delivery,” I called my little piece. Our reporters had traveled the country in search of the soul of the Labor Party. On the ground, they found only the skepticism of the Center Party and Støre. ‘The party is over. How will the Labor Party return home after the aftermath? “I asked myself and contributed the following sharp wording:” Since the morning hours of Johan Nygaardsvold on April 9, a Labor leader has had a tougher challenge than Jonas Gahr Støre now. A formidable task.
But just a few weeks later, the free political points came in a row. The crisis of the government and the total bourgeois division were served on a plate already in January. Additional weeks passed and the corona epidemic came and turned the country on its head.
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These should have been good times for the opposition leader and his party.
It got worse. And to further clarify the picture: if they were on their way from the nachspiel just over a year ago, now they have a terrible hangover. The year has started in an incredibly ugly way for the party, which in winter 2015 had 41.9 percent support. The first explosion occurred with a support measure of 17.5 percent. It stings like a Trøndelag eared bitch for a party that has battled Giske’s ghost during another fall. Another poll this week: Dagsavisen’s disappearance from the political milieu gave Støre and his comrades a blank 19 support.
Of course, there is talk of leadership, of the control of the party by Støre. It is humanly inevitable. It’s certainly painful and frustrating to follow the downward-pointing curves for fans and veterans.
The dream of a quick solution awakens.
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Jan Bøhler thought of himself and left the whole company. Thorbjørn Berntsen also used a metaphor when this week he raised a leadership debate in the Labor Party and told Klassekampen that “a coach would be fired.” Berntsen struck his nephew, Raymond Johansen, in the same sling. Maybe he can become the new leader?
Let’s take a look around us on the political landscape. Are there other Norwegian parties that have changed leadership in recent years? Yes. And how did it go? Too bad, if the goal was to increase popularity. Last summer, KrF with Knut Arild Hareide had a five percent support. Then, after a bad and difficult autumn, the word of God disappeared from Bømlo. Kjell Ingolf Ropstad has now stabilized the match at 3.4 percent. With a course outside the Storting. The Liberal Party has also changed its crew at the top. The new adventure this fall with Guri Melby at the helm and with Sveinung Rotevatn and Abid Raja as deputy leaders, it was not exactly a party.
The average for January measurements so far is 2.7 percent. And leave the Storting.
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It is not just the family that points to Johansen from Oslo. The leader of the town hall has been clearly marked under the crown. But the numbers do not indicate that Johansen is the seducer who can save the Labor Party. Under his leadership, the Oslo party has lost ground at the same rate as the parent party. A mandate of 32% of the vote in the 2015 local elections was reduced to 20% four years later. An Oslo poll yesterday was another solid recession. And in February, Johansen Støre will join the ranks of 60 years.
The parallels are too many. And Johansen’s ten years as a plumber are gaining less and less political weight.
If the Labor Party had elected a new leader now, who is not warned when he has a hangover, it could not have been another 60-year-old white man from Oslo. It is not a choice. But the options are surprisingly few. The Utøya disaster and nearly eight years out of position have decimated talent development in the match. Støre’s second assistant, Bjørnar Skjæran, could enter any house directly and no one would guess who he was. Party Secretary Kjersti Stenseng was notably absent in 2020. Just check the media archive. MP Hadia Tajik had a child just before Christmas and will obviously be busy with that for a while. In this team, Jonas Gahr Støre is dangerously alone.
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Therefore, the focus of the media is extremely on it. And the negative, self-reinforcing medial spirals where the momentum is now great have thrown Støre into a quagmire. The story of the failed leader has stuck with many crucial editorial offices. When Gro, national mother and former WHO leader, talks to Ole Torp for a long time about the crown and the world, it ends in a featured article on NRK Kveldsnytt that Gro thinks Jonas should smile more. When LO legend Yngve Hågensen (82) moves to his defense, what he really has to say ends up completely in the shadows because TV 2 reveals that the people of the Labor Party themselves have been involved. Like it’s a shock. If we add war-like cases on flags on May 1, a subway ride without a mask, a silly truffle comment, and a few dozen placed on the wrong background, we see a painful pattern.
And like it or not, the importance of the media is enormous.
Maybe this is not your time either. His sanity is somehow out of step with the times. Where Vedum can laugh and scream, line up on TV shows, and let personality trump political points, Støre has a different temperament. So when he finally had to bid on him and his house, he ended up with a laugh in a bottle of Jägermeister. He can hardly do anything right. The same man who just a few years ago, as chancellor and party leader, could do no wrong.
Now is not the time to change the leader of the Labor Party. Now is the time to be patient and tolerant, with the media and with the voters. Stick to the policy, program, and principles. And persevere.
The only quick fix is Jens Stoltenberg. It’s not going to happen. Then there is only hard work left.
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I will give Captain Støre the last word. On Facebook, on December 22, 2019, he responded to my statement about him and Nygaardsvold: “A historical comparison that can be discussed, but I will give it the right: a formidable task awaits me. Sorry and I’m motivated to take it. And it doesn’t apply to me alone, it applies to us as a party, as a movement and as a team. Together we must show that we don’t give in to tough questions; with a just policy, which looks beyond the next elections, and which brings together, at a time of growing contradictions and polarized debate.
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