Ukrainians are surprised by the events in Belarus: the main problem disappointed

This is certainly not the only example of such solidarity, but Ukrainian social media users have pointed out that at the beginning of the video for Piriatin’s song, a Belarusian girl speaks Russian, and Ukrainian musicians perform her song in Belarusian: “Strange – Our rock band easily wrote the lyrics, which even Alexander Lukashenko’s most progressive opponents don’t talk much about. “

Piriatin video:

These kinds of comments reflect the essence of Ukrainian opinion: these Ukrainians support Belarusians who have rebelled against the dictatorship, but they do not understand why the supporters of the slogan “Long live Belarus!” They do not raise questions of national identity and geopolitical choice.

“Why did the main song of the protests become” Peremen “by Victor Coy and not a work by a Belarusian group in their mother tongue?” Ukrainians continue to ask.

However, there are not only linguistic and aesthetic elements, but also simply essential. Since 2014, the question of “Who owns the Crimea?” It has become a matter of course for the “home / foreign” division. And the responses of the Belarusian protest leaders to this question disappointed many.

Sviatlana Cichanouskaya initially avoided the issue, then decided that the Ukrainian peninsula came under the control of the Russian Federation in violation of international law: “Crimea legally belongs to Ukraine, and actually to Russia.”

Such a position differs little from Lukashenko’s imagination – he says: “Let’s leave the referendum (held in Crimea in 2014 – ed.) And everything else to the lawyers … Crimea is de facto Russian territory.”

Such statements undermine the credibility of opposition leaders, but not of protesting Belarusians: huge red and white flags hang on the streets of Ukrainian cities, the media actively covers events in the neighboring country, and thousands of Ukrainians subscribe to the Telegram channel Nexta.

A free and democratic Belarus would be a coveted ally of Ukraine. It is a powerful symbol of emancipation and liberation from the Russian Empire, an implementation of the national liberation movement that suffered defeat in the People’s Republics of Belarus and Ukraine a hundred years ago.

There is also a pragmatic aspect: Russia’s military bases in Belarus are a potential threat, and in the case of the annexation of Belarus, which today seems completely realistic, Ukraine would have an additional 1,000-kilometer border in the north that could become another front line in adverse circumstances.

Minsk, which is friendly and European, is a path for close cooperation between the Baltic and Black Sea regions, which has been dreamed of in Ukraine since the 1990s.

The Belarusian protest leaders are unanimous in reiterating their friendly intentions towards Russia. For many Ukrainians, this is just annoying. This is not the “Russophobia” that Kremlin propagandists like to talk about.

Ukrainians remember the smooth and bloodless Orange Revolution of 2004, when the people first rebelled against electoral fraud and Vladimir Putin was the only leader to acknowledge Viktor Yanukovych’s illegitimate victory.

Then there was little talk of geopolitics in the protests, and newly elected President Viktor Yushchenko went to Moscow on his first official visit abroad. However, the policy of peaceful coexistence failed, so Kiev had to learn a bitter lesson in 2014.

Regarding Lukashenko, Moscow is treating Yanukovych today in the same way as during the Revolution of Dignity (Maidan): huge loans, information and support for power structures. Peaceful activists on the streets of Belarusian cities are trying not to notice.

In the eyes of the citizens of Ukraine hardened by the two revolutions, such a position seems unjustifiably naive. Pacifism is also being appreciated at a time when OMON and other Interior Ministry structures are responding to protesters with unprecedented brutality.

Many see the reason for impending defeat in the peace that is emphasized. Speaking about the events in Belarus, Crimean Tatar activist Aider Mujdabayev notes: “If you don’t kill the dictator, the dictator will kill you.”

And the position of the Kiev officer was clearly defined by the Ukrainian ambassador to Belarus Igor Kyzym: “Our relations (with Belarus – ed.) Have been suspended.” September 15 The Verkhovna Rada adopted a resolution recognizing that the elections in Belarus “were neither free nor fair” and expressed its support for the imposition of sanctions on those involved in electoral fraud and violence against protesters.

This decision was neither active nor reacted quickly: Kiev dared to take such a step only after similar actions by the European Union, and therefore it should be seen as following in Brussels’ footsteps.

Representatives of the Servant of the People, European Solidarity, Batkivshchina and Voice parties are carrying red and white flags to the Parliament of Ukraine today. The same curiosity occurred twice in the pro-Russian Oposition Platform for Life match. : Parliamentarians hung the Soviet flag of Belarus (de jure, the current state flag of Belarus), but both times the flag was hung upside down, which, strictly speaking, can be seen as a desecration of the official symbols of the state neighbour.

According to I. Kyzymas, the representatives of the Belarusian protest movement do not pay much attention to the Ukrainian diplomatic mission, the members of the Coordinating Council are more interested in Russia, which, according to I. Kyzym, considers Belarus as their votchina (homeland , dependent lands).

The Ukrainian diplomat also says that some Belarusian human rights activists sometimes go to the embassy for fear of persecution: Ukraine is ready to accept them, but would not grant any special status yet.

Not long ago, two opposition figures, Ivan Kravtsov and Anton Radniankov, were sent from Belarus to Ukraine.

The Ukrainian embassy knew nothing about the deportation, and Lukashenko retroactively accused them of illegally crossing the border and demanding the return of the opposition. Ukraine became a place of deportation almost by accident: Radniankov and Kravtsov did not have a Schengen visa, so it was not possible to send them to Lithuania or Poland.

His public appearance in Kiev apparently enraged Lukashenko, but Ukraine is unlikely to comply with his request to return the opposition. It is possible that in the near future there will be more similar “non-returnees” from Belarus in Ukraine.

During the entire year of Lukashenko’s rule, many disobedient Belarusians moved to Kiev and other Ukrainian cities, many of them even actively participated in civic activities, such as Mikhail Zhiznevsky, who died on Maidan.

It is difficult to predict the outcome of events in Belarus. Kiev, it seems, still does not forget to exercise restraint: strengthen the northern border, recently sent the 61st Brigade of the Armed Forces, gathered specifically for military action in forested and swampy areas. For other problems, the “hold” is likely to last as long as possible.