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Attorney General Choo Mi-ae and his son Seo-mo, the two of them suspect, still fill almost every page of the newspaper today “ splendidly. ” Take a quick look at the title of the morning newspaper. The Chosun Ilbo, “Send Yongsan, the son of Chu, and ask for the self-development assignment.” JoongAng Ilbo, “Suspected son requesting interpreter at party representative office, Chu Miae.” The Hankook Ilbo, “Condensing two captains questioning the order to extend their son’s vacation.” Dong-A Ilbo, “There are only medical records to be kept for five years in the military and data from 2017 when Chu son took a vacation.” “They invited me to transfer my son to the Yongsan troops.” etc.
It is late 2017 and early 2018, with the PyeongChang Winter Olympics ahead. The leader of the Democratic Party, Chu Mi-ae, is said to have contacted the office of then-Defense Minister Song Young-moo regarding the selection of interpreters for the son of Chu’s son, Seo Mo. A newspaper called him “request contact”. Former Defense Minister Song Young-moo said: “There was such an event, but I received a report of the blockade (from below) just yesterday (a report on the request for interpreters came out). I know that the request came from the representative office of the Democratic Party. “
What does this mean? The purpose of Secretary Song’s answer is simple. ‘1) There was a request at the party representative office, Chu Mi-ae. 2) Locked from below. 3) I found out yesterday. ‘ That’s it. Minister Song clearly confirmed that he drew a line for the accusations that were extended to him, but instead made a request at the party office, Chu Mi-ae. Such a request is a violation of the Kim Young-ran Act, that is, the prohibition of illegal request. Although the specific testimony of the former Democratic Party defense minister, policy advisor, job-level officials, etc. differs little by little, there is no disagreement on the ‘fact’ that the Ministry of Defense contacted the Ministry of Defense directly at the ‘Chu Miae Representation Office’ regarding the selection of interpreters at that time.
In addition to this, another suspicion was raised. It is testimony that Mr. Seo Mo, Minister Chu’s son, has constantly requested to go to Yongsan, Seoul (not Uijeongbu, Gyeonggi Province) since his deployment. Colonel A, who was in charge of the KATUSA Soldier Forces at the time, testified before Representative Won-sik Shin, the people’s power. “When my son Chu Mi-ae came to the Soldier of KATUSA, I only (applied for) the first (unit or position) classification, and I did not accept that the pressure had just arrived in the Winter Olympics.” “(Seo) was the first to come to the US 2nd Division and send it to Yongsan. (I stopped him immediately) ”. Also, Colonel A said this. “We taught lawyer Seong-hwan Seo, Minister Chu’s husband and Minister Chu’s mother-in-law, for 40 minutes.”
In Colonel A’s testimony that I just mentioned, the expression ‘first unit classification’ appears, which means the deployment of soldiers. In our opinion, parents would like to be selected for the KATUSA soldiers, who are so competitive, but the children of powerful families seem to want to be assigned to a unit close to home, even if they are not in the castle. Minister Chu Mi-ae is domiciled in Gwangjin-gu, Seoul. I wonder if it would be better to take a vacation from the unit to the house in 30 minutes by taxi to be able to get in and out of the unit at will. Although it is not far from Gwangjin-gu, Seoul to Uijeongbu, Gyeonggi-do, if you wanted Yongsan, Seoul, other soldiers and youth would have to loosen their knees and get angry.
However, those who were on the side of Minister Chu Mi-ae are trying to escape the situation by saying, “I only made an inquiry, not a request.” I tell the old woman that there might be someone who fell in love with this. Do you know what methods are used to pressure the ruling party, the Blue House, members of the National Assembly, these power agencies, real-world agencies, front-line police stations, military units, etc. It is ‘inquire’. In other words, ‘just ask’. For example, you are asking like this. “This is Chu Mi-ae, an assistant from the party’s representative office. How can a soldier on vacation extend his vacation? “Even if it is the representative office of the ruling party that won the presidential election and became the ruling party, the defense minister’s office or the military officers of subordinate units will surely be nervous.
At this point, the military officer may pretend not to understand what he is talking about. In that case, if you are frustrated, you can request a direct request. If you can imagine, ‘Actually, the party boy is on vacation, but I want to extend it.’ However, most of the time, just by “asking”, the other party quickly realizes that it is a “request”. It is a request with a touch of inquiry. It is a clear violation of the Kim Young-ran Act. President Park Geun-hye and Vice President Lee Jae-yong of Samsung Electronics were found guilty of having an implicit request for managerial succession solely because they met. Since there is nothing to do at the representative office of the ruling party, would you like to inquire about the procedure for extending the vacation of KATUSA soldiers and selecting an interpreter?
This morning, new suspicions arose that Choo’s son Seomo had bought a car with the joint name with his disabled father. The power of the people According to the car registration certificate, the vehicle registration department and the insurance policy obtained by the House of Representatives Kim Do-eup, Seo purchased a 2017-style used K5 passenger car (displacement amount 1999㏄) in September of last year with his father under the common name. Participation is 99% Seo and 1% parent. As the representative owner, Seo’s father was appointed. In the special matters of the Ministry of Vehicle Registration, it was stated that “Seo Seong-hwan (Minister Chu’s husband) is not seriously disabled, exemption from public debt.” The opposition party argued that it was “a trick to obtain the benefits of the disabled”, while Minister Chu refuted that “it was acquired through a legitimate procedure”. This issue was raised again at the last staff hearing.
Furthermore, there was a testimony that Mr. A, an aide when he was the head of the Chu Mi-ae party, “applied for an application through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to quickly deliver the visa for the daughter of Minister Chu who was preparing to study in France. ” This is a report from TV Chosun. He said so. “(Minister Chu’s second daughter) had to go to study, but the application was late and the admission date was approaching, so I was told to process it earlier.”
This is the sum of the suspicions related to Chu Mi-ae’s son. 1) 19 days of sick leave without medical records, 2) ‘late medical certificate’, 3) return (death), 4) extended leave without due process, 5) mystery character, army headquarters captain, 6) These include requesting an interpreter from the party office, 7) requesting Yongsan relocation, 8) joint purchase of a car between father and child, and 9) requesting a student visa for a daughter. The higher you lift it, the more suspicious the sweet potato stalks appear. Originally, children who take the ‘Unjust Emperor Course’ with their parents ‘power in the background don’t use their parents’ opportunity just once. Leave footprints everywhere. He really is none other than the former Attorney General of Korea.
The Seoul Eastern District Prosecutor has been squashing the indictment against Minister Chu’s son Seomo for nine months. People’s Power Pa-byeong Song, a professor at Kyungnam University, who is in charge of the chairman of the party committee, said: “The Dongbu prosecutor, who crushed his son’s case for several months, was accepted as vice minister , and the current district attorney, who quickly distributed bogus press releases saying ‘there are no such facts’, was known as a prosecutor who did not rebel against the order’ of the prime minister. The deputy prosecutor who was in charge of the son’s case resigned. Yes. Representative Lee Tae-gyu of the National Assembly this morning, referring to the two people from the motherland, Chu Mi-ae, “have something in common in the fact that they are anti-boss kings” and said: “(Minister Chu) had a new solution under the Oyat tree. I have fixed it too. ” However, it seems to us that this is not the extent to which it has been recently repaired, but rather it is an oatmeal, that is, having picked too many plums. Kim Jong-in, Chairman of the People’s Power of the Popular Forces, strongly urged Minister Chu to resign. “Leaving the minister as he is destroys the rule of law,” he said.
Yesterday, Minister Choo Mi-ae told reporters from the Justice Ministry: “Meanwhile, we have not received any reports on the incident and it will not be reported in the future.” Then Jin Joong-kwon, a former professor at Dongyang University, condemned, “What else can you say?” Article 8 of the Law on the Prosecutor’s Office says so. “The Minister of Justice, as the main supervisor of the affairs of the prosecution, generally directs and supervises the prosecutor, and only the attorney general directs and supervises specific cases.” In other words, Minister Chu Mi-ae can only command the attorney general in the case involving his son, but cannot receive any reports from the Eastern District Prosecutor’s Office. It is the same thing that Minister Chu said that he would give up the authority he did not have. Or it seems that the minister unknowingly confessed that all the incidents had been directly reported.
Now the problem is in the hands of President Moon Jae-in. President Moon’s approval rate for young people in their twenties was found to have plummeted 7 percentage points due to the Minister Chu’s son problem. What to do with Minister Chu, this is becoming the most important task of the Moon regime. /
