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If one looks at the history of Greek-Russian (and former Greek-Soviet) relations, one will find that most Greek governments have sought to secure Russian verbal support for Greek-Turkish relations.
This position is even more pronounced if we look at the positions of Russia (and formerly Soviet) on the Cyprus question, where there is strong support for the sovereign rights of the Republic of Cyprus.
This was helped by the fact that Russia insisted on a more “classical” conception of international relations, with an emphasis on peaceful coexistence, nonintervention and balance of power. This is an attitude that generally contrasts with that of the United States, when it adopted a more dynamic intervention strategy.
In recent years, however, relations between Greece and Russia seem to be taking a more uncomfortable position. The deterioration that occurred during Nikos Kotzias’s tenure in the Foreign Ministry, despite the subsequent attempt to tone it down, was not followed by a real significant improvement despite the relevant guarantees.
It is no coincidence that the climate was formed on the occasion of the initial reports on Turkish NAVTEX for the Russian exercises in the Mediterranean that led to successive denials on the part of Russian diplomacy, which essentially spoke of directed propaganda, but also by the Cypriot government. . different from the above procedures.
The background of the new Cold War
A key factor that has defined relations between Greece and Russia in recent years is the deterioration of the relationship between the United States and Russia, known schematically as the “new Cold War”.
This has led to systematic pressure from the United States on the EU and other Western countries to adopt sanctions against Russia and generally reduce economic and political relations with them. 
The controversy surrounding the pipeline is typical, with the United States pressuring Germany to abandon the Nord Stream 2 pipeline project.
Indeed, the sanctions already have economic implications for several countries that have seen their economic trade with Russia reduced, including Greece.
Furthermore, the fact that Greece promoted the settlement of the “Macedonians” mainly in the context of NATO expansion into the western Balkans also cast a shadow on the relations between Greece and Russia (although Russia itself had long recognized the neighboring country with his constitutional name). It is no coincidence that the serious crisis in Greek-Russian relations later broke out, the expulsion of the Russian diplomats.
The importance of Russian Cypriot relations
At the same time, Russia’s relations with the Republic of Cyprus continued to be good. This is reflected in the traditional positive attitude of Russia towards the sovereign rights of Cyprus.
Of course, a parameter that played a role from a moment on was the fact that a significant number of Russian companies, as well as Russian citizens, had chosen Cyprus as the seat of economic activities, taking advantage of the favorable context.
The relatively close relationship of Cyprus, a non-NATO country, with Russia has been criticized by the United States, which has tried to improve its ties to limit Russian influence. Indicative of the fact that the recent decision by the United States to lift the arms embargo on Cyprus, which they had applied since 1987 as a lever of pressure to strengthen the dialogue for the reunification of Cyprus, was presented mainly by the United States ambassador to Cyprus , Judith Garber. as a measure to limit Russian influence rather than as an intervention in the Greek-Turkish conflict.
After all, the US is systematically pressuring the Republic of Cyprus to implement anti-money laundering measures (i.e. to reduce the presence of Russian funds) and to stop offering Russian warships access to ports to refuel.
The occasional Russian silences
In recent years, Greek governments have generally not favored Russian intervention in Greek-Turkish, even if they knew they would be in favor of upholding international law, if only in a declarative way.
On the contrary, the positions of other countries, which are considered to offer a sense of “isolation” from Turkey, have proven to be much more prominent, although in reality Russia could be considered a country that can put pressure on Turkey.
Russia, for its part, has lately chosen not to take a very frequent or very brusque stance on Greek-Turkish issues, often stressing that this is a difference within NATO that should have mechanisms to handle such situations. The stance on the Hagia Sophia issue had also impressed, although the Russian Patriarchate had a very clear position. However, recently the Russian Foreign Minister took a clear position against the conversion of the Chora Monastery into a Mosque. At the same time, however, Russian diplomacy has also avoided statements that could be seen as a position in favor of Turkish claims.
This attitude also reflects Moscow’s indirect dissatisfaction with the fact that Athens is increasingly adopting an attitude of conformity with the American elections.
What exactly is happening with Russian-Turkish relations?
It is a fact that in recent years Russia and Turkey have been cooperating on various levels. This concerns both the economic level and the situation in Syria.
But especially at the geopolitical level, cooperation has much more to do with the fact that Russia is the agent of power in the Syrian crisis and therefore necessarily the force that Turkey had to resort to to avoid the possibility of a Kurdish quasi-state entity in northeast Syria. despite some strategic convergence.
This is also demonstrated by the fact that in the Libyan crisis, Turkey and Russia support rival factions in the civil war, with Russia clearly showing that it does not agree with the arrogant way in which Turkey claims the role of regional power. 
Greek shame
Under normal circumstances, the Greek side would have already turned to Russia, insofar as the latter can put pressure on Turkey to some extent, provided Ankara knows that it depends on the Russian position on critical issues and that Russia seems to insist on a perception to avoid tensions and disputes over sovereign rights.
At the same time, Greek diplomacy faces a broader geopolitical environment, where the escalation of new polarizations leads to much greater demands for “militarization” within what we used to call the “West,” as US officials often emphasize.
This may make it increasingly difficult to achieve the goal of a multidimensional foreign policy, but it does not diminish its need.
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