Wealth as the engine of history.



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Faced with easy convictions, I confess directly to you that I am not afraid of the Papadimoulis who declare their warehouses and apartments in lustful places. I am afraid of those who take black money from computers and hide it in lockers or in the Cayman Islands. I am not afraid of the politician who found money from his father or took positions with a considerable salary, I am afraid of the politician who, although he has no obvious benefits, when he is among friends, lights a Havana cigar that costs 300 euros per piece.

I am not criticizing who can discern an opportunity in the market and decide to convert their legal liquid into real estate, because with this investment they will earn more. I despise who, while the market is around him and has the financial capacity to take advantage of it, buys a field and five pairs of oxen. How can I tell you that I am not used to criticizing the intelligent for his intelligence and the one who is capable of his ability, regardless of the position he chooses for himself on the left-right axis?

Will you tell me “but eight houses in a year”? Yes eight. He found a lot, they benefited so much, he bought a lot. So why are the eight houses in central Athens provocative, but the amount they gave for their purchase would be less provocative if it remained on deposit with the bank? You will say that it is the symbolism of his act, because he did not buy a house to live, but eight to make a profit, either as a reseller when his prices rise or as an Airbnb hotelier.

Look at my readers, the game of capitalism and the free market, whether you play it or not. There is no middle ground, little profit seeking and little class unilateralism. If Papadimoulis didn’t play this game, he would keep exactly what he needed to earn a living from his high salaries and donate the rest to Child’s Smile. I would certainly praise a charity of this magnitude, but I have no right to blame him for not doing it, so I see it.


And once you decide to play the free market game, the players fall into two categories: the losers and the winners. Papadimoulis belongs to the latter. “But can a millionaire claim to be the defender of poverty?” He will argue. Come now, of course. Kropotkin was a prince, Lenin went to Russia with Kaiser’s money to declare the Bolshevik revolution, Engels was a textile industrialist, and Marx wrote the Communist Manifesto in Golden Pen, these are well known. And yet they were a true scarecrow to the bourgeoisie of their time. Why shouldn’t Dimitris be in the same category?

If there was a linear relationship between the poor left and the rich right, then Kyriakos would lead a group in the seats on the upper right of Parliament and the city councilor of Agia Paraskevi holding ANTARSYA demonstrations in the square to hit the MAT would be today Minister of State. Order. The poor Maniatis would not traditionally be a hard right-winger, and the rich Cretan would not be a systematically right-wing leftist. Fortunately, we live in a more complex society.


“But he is a hypocrite,” you will say again. “He exploits markets, speculation, ranking, individuals’ passion for profit, while selflessly using them to squander their fortune.” Half a minute, because here we confuse intentions with actions. When you say a road is poorly built and you want to be rebuilt, does that mean you refuse to cross it with your car until the new one is built? And how do you get to work? And then, what law (bourgeois or proletarian) prohibits hypocrisy?

I say something simple. Whoever criticizes legal wealth voluntarily plays the ideological game of the left. And he plays this game twice, when, for small political purposes of the moment, he criticizes the wealth that lands on his left hands. But it is precisely in these hands that wealth proves to be the greatest motivation for humanity to advance. Of course, along with human vanity, he rarely distances himself from the double pursuit of money and power. All the rest are sociopolitical tales for young children and grasshoppers in favor of the people for the unfortunate soldiers of the left troops.




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