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In the two years of the administration of Iván Duque the dissidents have doubled their presence.
The solidity, centralization and unity of the FARC amazed analysts in fifty years of war. Now, after the signing of the Peace Agreement, that force is an archipelago of groups and tendencies. On the one hand, there is the official group, the official brand, which remained in the hands of Timochenko, the last commander-in-chief of that guerrilla, the one who was behind the negotiations in Havana, which was ratified in the first congress held in legality. This group, now converted into a political party with parliamentary representation, brings together the majority of ex-combatants and sympathizers of the movement. On the other hand, there is a legal political dissidence that brings together middle managers headed by Andrés París. Beyond that are the armed dissidents, a diaspora of groups with different commands, influences and interests, which are 28 groups and are organized into three types of dissidents. In this article we will try to make a map of these armed dissidents and their serious actions in the territories of our country. (Here you can read the chronicle of the visit of the Peace and Reconciliation Foundation to the dissidents camp in the department of Cauca).
The armed dissidents began as a dozen groups in 2017, but the number of armed people and municipal presence increased. They went from being in 56 municipalities by the end of 2018 and, currently, they operate in 113 municipalities. It should not be forgotten that, in 2016, before the concentration of the FARC, this guerrilla operated in 242 municipalities. Below is the map of the presence of the dissidents in 2020.
It could be said that in the two years of the Iván Duque administration, the dissidents have doubled their presence. However, the 28 groups are not homogeneous and not all are articulated, what is found is a great dispersion and dispute among them. The Peace and Reconciliation Foundation has managed to detect three lines under which all these groups articulate. This explains why in some areas the war is to the death and, in several areas, groups appear and disappear very easily.
The three subgroups of dissent are: those of Gentil Duarte me Ivan Bite that they call themselves the true Farc and would group, at least, 16 of these groups. Then there is the Second Marquetalia, commanding Ivan Marquez, Santrich and company, in theory, group five of these dissidents, although they say they have more groups. Then there are the dispersed structures, which are those that are disjointed and work as autonomous criminal organizations. The Contadores in Tumaco, the Oliver Sinisterra Front in the Nariño Pacific and the group known as Mafia Sinaloa, which operates in lower Putumayo, are some of the examples. In several regions the war is to the death.
War between the dissent
With the turn to the arms of Ivan Marquez and other ex-FARC commanders, tensions jumped. The versions indicate that, while Marquez was moving toward the border with Venezuela, there was a meeting with Gentil Duarte me Ivan Bite, where the fragmentation was sealed, since, apparently, Ivan Marquez wanted to command the structure of Gentil Duarte and the answer was no; in fact, they told him that he should explain what had happened with the laying down of arms.
Márquez left for the border and, since then, tensions have only increased. Confrontations took place in various areas of the country and Gentil Duarte’s structures prevailed. One of the strongest disputes occurred in the west of the country. There, Duarte sent, from Guaviare, a former command of the Front 1, whose task was to bring together several of these structures. Some submitted and some did not. So, Duarte decided to create the Western Coordinating Command, a structure that operates in various areas of Cauca, Nariño, Valle del Cauca and southern Tolima and brings together eight dissidents, including the Dagoberto Ramos Column, the Jaime Martínez and the Carlos Patiño Front. , among others (see the map).
After displacing the Second Marquetalia, the structures of Duarte me Ivan Bite They sent delegates to other more autonomous dissident groups, such as those from the Pacific of Nariño, where they spoke with people who were from Guacho grouped into two factions of the old Oliver Sinisterra Front; The same happened with Los Contadores and other groups in the region. There was no agreement and, also, war broke out.
The other wars
But, in addition to the wars between dissidents, the country is consumed in other disputes. The dissidents fight against the ELN, the Gulf Clan and drug trafficking structures in various parts of the country. Three zones would have the highest numbers of confrontation. On the one hand, the south of Cauca, where the Carlos Patiño Front disputes the territory with a drug trafficking structure and with the Eln. Several videos of the dispute that takes place there have circulated. In lower Putumayo, the Carolina Ramírez Front, from the structure of Duarte, the territory is disputed with the Mafia Sinaloa group. This dispute has left several dead, including the murder of social leaders. The last war is lived in the Pacific of Nariño, where there are eleven structures that are disputed meter by meter for the territory, but the map is constantly changing.
Colombia is in what could be called a negative technical tie, which explains the degradation of the dispute and several of the massacres that have occurred in the country. Generally, in countries where an actor comes out of the war, as in the case of the Farc, disputes tend to arise over areas with illegal economies. These disputes last, on average, two years or a little less, but Colombia completes almost three years and nobody wins. All illegal actors are very alike in their strength or weakness and no one can co-opt the other. Then, only the path of degradation remains. Everything seems to indicate that there are still several months of this dispute.
* Deputy director, analyst and researcher of the Peace and Reconciliation Foundation.
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