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It is a thin story, the reasoning is poorly justified and raises questions about what is the actual case of DN.
The story SvD offers is similar to this: Scania is a client of a public relations company and has wanted to know about the subject of a fleet of electrified vehicles. Associated with this public relations company is a former party secretary in the Popular Party. Then, in his speech in Almedalen, Nyamko Sabuni suggested that an electrification commission be established. And in the fall it was added. Nyamko Sabuni himself rejects this version of the course of events in an interview with Di on Monday.
So it is a matter of Nyamko Sabuni coming up with a proposal from Sörmland’s largest private employer, and the fourth largest in the country, that electrified transportation is a major future problem. This assessment is shared by Scania with the largest and second largest private employer, the two Volvo companies. They also share this priority with most political parties.
Additionally, it describes how Nyamko Sabuni has taken the impression of three named persons who are affiliated with public relations agencies. They are Lars Leijonborg, Johan Jakobsson and Helena Dyrssen. What they have in common is that they have occupied the first positions in the Popular Party.
What Nyamko Sabuni is blamed for is that she has accepted a proposal that is a dominant attitude in business and politics and that she has enlisted the help of leaders of previous popular parties.
These are big accusations that DN makes. On Friday, the magazine wrote that Johan Jakobsson’s public relations agency managed to “get Sabuni elected.” Aftonbladets Anders Lindberg took it further in the Good Morning World Sunday broadcast and said “one has bought a party leader election” directed at the public relations agency. The DN’s lead writer, who was a counter-debate, did not object to the redaction in the broadcast.
It is an indictment charged with a nomination process in which 19 of the 21 county councils, as well as a majority on the nomination committee, supported Nyamko Sabuni as party leader.
DN raises the charges in his third text, in Monday’s newspaper. There he wonders which stalls are “really (for sale)”, about Scania.
So how has Nyamko Sabuni received compensation? In money? Or something in return? Who paid whom?
DN presents a hint without further explanation. The writing of the texts limits the murder of characters.
Liberals are under the Riksdag. Maybe they will come out in the next election. Maybe it does nothing. Perhaps Nyamko Sabuni has major deficiencies as party leader. In any case, DN has shown great concern for this party and its choice over the past year. The newspaper has repeatedly stated that it is crucial that the party adhere to January’s cooperation. And sometimes people come in and try to describe the special role of liberals in politics, like in a text before last summer’s presidential election. There it was praised that the liberals “have served as the earthworm of politics, have helped to keep the soil of democracy closed to the actors most motivated by interest.”
It’s hard to understand, but no one can suspect that DN, not just for historical reasons, is committed to the importance of liberals in politics.
After the last few articles, however, one must consider what DN thinks he will accomplish. With such friends, the party needs no enemies.
How should a business leader dare to approach one of the parties to present their points of view and priorities? Can Annie Lööf speak to Maud Olofsson, president of the Visit tourism industry? Or Stefan Löfven with Göran Persson, President of Swedbank?
This is a danger with DN’s editorial articles. In its ambition to access Nyamko Sabuni, the magazine damages the relationship between business and politics.
