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The parliamentary migration commission, with all parliamentary parties represented, worked for a year and would turn over all the stones. They failed to reach the broad consensus that everyone said they were fighting for, but they were able to deliver at least 26 proposals, most in accordance with current temporary law, each of which had the support of a majority in the Riksdag.
Under normal circumstances, the matter had been resolved there. Responsible Minister Morgan johansson (S) also stated that the report would be submitted for consultation in its entirety and that the opportunity to move forward after it was “very, very small.”
However, it didn’t get that simple. Although S was behind the entire report, his government colleague MP liked only three of the 26 proposals, and they had no intention of giving up without a fight.
When the government finally sends the committee’s investigation for consultation, it has been supplemented with various additional features, all of which implies a less restrictive policy. They clearly bear the stamp of the MP.
Isabella Lövin Therefore, you can resign with not just one, but two great successes so that the MP’s strategy gets stuck in the Government Offices. If the Greens had stood by and opposed, the Preem refinery would have expanded and a more restrictive immigration policy would have been drawn up in the Riksdag. Now the reality was different.
For the Social Democrats, the situation is more complicated. To put it mildly.
Social Democrats who hoped to follow the Danish path have reason to be deeply disappointed today
Since the refugee crisis in 2015, strong forces in and around S have highlighted the need for a long-term restrictive immigration policy. The main arguments have been to protect the welfare state from undue stress and to safeguard equality and cohesion in Sweden.
Of course, the electorate is also included in the calculation. The traditional center left parties have not reached a majority in the Swedish Riksdag since the 2002 elections.
We see the result daily. Although the S can form a government, it depends entirely on the parties (C, L) who want something completely different. There is a compact majority in the Riksdag against Social Democratic politics.
In order to ever change this, the analysis says, even a critical opinion on immigration must be able to find a home on the left side of Swedish politics.
Only Social Democrats can be that home.
The way is, one thinks, “killing” issues like migration and crime with a sufficiently restrictive line, preferably in broad collaboration with the right.
As has been done in Denmark, where social democracy runs like a train, to the left! – and the right-wing populist Danish People’s Party is a holdover from what it once was.
The method may have worked in Sweden as well. The previous election campaign provided some support for this. However, what is pretty certain, if not now, is that such a strategy is completely incompatible with the government’s cooperation with the Swedish Green Party.
Of course, it can be seen that the conflict between S and MP has just been formally postponed; now the advisory bodies must give their opinion, then You have to negotiate with determination, but it is losing the big picture.
After this summer’s failure on the migration committee and Morgan Johansson’s degrading benchmark retirement alongside Isabella Lövin, the cards are largely in place.
Stefan Löfven obviously does not intend to part with his green government partner, even if the price is very high: an electoral movement with the migration issue as the main dividing line between left and right, where it is no longer possible to bet on 0-0.
The Social Democrats who hoped to follow the Danish path today have reason to be deeply disappointed. If the Swedish Social Democrats ever get a Mette Frederiksen, her name will not be Stefan Löfven.
Viktor Barth-Kron is a political commentator at Expressen.
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S and MP agree to submit the migration investigation for consultation, with several additions.
