During many years of conflict in Myanmar’s forests and mountains, ethnic people have witnessed and suffered horrific atrocities, including massacres, rapes, and sexual violence, torture, forced labor, and displacement by military forces, as well as state-recognition.
Scheduled to fight those abuses and to hear their clear voices and demands, ethnic people joined in loud nationwide protests, and united against a common enemy. Many, however, fear a more intense conflict than those operating with freedom from violence and obscure military gents and are now in control of the country.
“This fight has been going on since the beginning of nation building. We hope that the current fight against military insurgency in the 21st century can be a new hope for our people.”
Ethnic demands go further
But minorities, including 135 official groups, say the demands have largely been made by the country’s majority ethnic group, the Buddhist Bamar, who traditionally live in the center of the country – including major cities such as Yangon and Mandalay. Fighting goes no further than military verses NLD.
“This is a very important transition period,” said Karen activist New Esther Cheetah. Using another name for Myanmar, he added: “In Burma, ethnic people were marginalized, and their voices were excluded … Ethnic people need to come together and speak up for our rights.”
A group called the National Strike Committee National F Nationality (GSCN) was set up to support the protests and to be the center of many protesting ethnic minorities. Comprised of 29 ethnic groups, the GSCN seeks to end military rule, repeal the 2008 constitution drafted by the military, build a federal democratic union and release all those unjustly detained.
“Ethnic people do not want dictatorship, we do not want to bring back a military government to rule the country, because we already know the consequences of military rule in ethnic areas,” said GSCN member Chit.
When Suu Kyi’s NLD won elections in 2015, it was hoped that her promise of a national reconciliation would stop the abuse, promote the peace process and give voice to the ethnic people in the new Myanmar. But many minorities felt that Suu Kyi ruled for the majority and was excluded from consultation on issues affecting them.
Meanwhile, the peace process was in turmoil.
The NLD has moved forward to build infrastructure such as roads, construction, internet access and education, but when it comes to policy, nothing has changed in the last 10 years, ”said Sang Hnin Lia with China Human Rights.
In the far west of Myanmar is the state of China and there are high mountains in the mountains bordering India and Bangladesh. The remote and rugged state of 1,000,000 is one of the country’s poorest, and according to Sang Hnian Lian, there has been a massive military presence in the last 20 years. Its people have recently been caught fighting south of it between ethnic Rakhine rebels and the army.
The Chinese have been used as human shields in wars in the past, forcing the military to provide porters or guidance, said Sang Hnin Liyan.
“Porting was one of the worst human rights violations, with villagers taking their (rice and equipment) and asking civilians to guide them to go, and this has been happening for the last two years,” Lion said. Is. ”
And because of decades of conflict, landmines still contaminate many ethnic areas across the country. The state has documented more than 12 landslide deaths in the last two years by the China Human Rights Organization.
CNN has reached out to the ruling military regime via email but has not yet received a response.
If Myanmar’s military succeeds in establishing full administration, Lian’s biggest fear is that fighting in ethnic areas will escalate.
“There will be more human rights violations, more casualties,” he said. “This will lead to large-scale migration to neighboring countries.”
Anti-insurgency protests continue in Hokkaido, the capital of China, and other areas. Leanne said one of the biggest demands was the repeal of federal democracy and the 2008 constitution.
In the months following Myanmar’s independence from the British, an agreement was reached in 1947 between some of the country’s ethnic groups to unite the country in exchange for federal autonomy. Suu Kyi’s father, General Ungang San, led an interim government negotiating the Penglong Agreement, but was assassinated shortly afterwards, and the union’s promise was never fulfilled.
Instead, successive military rulers imposed a policy of “minorityization” on ethnic minorities, banning non-Bamar religious and cultural practices, making the Burmese language compulsory in schools, and advocating dominant Buddhism.
People of non-Bamar ethnicity were persecuted, Leah said. “If you don’t speak Burmese, you can be slapped,” he added.
Since then, ethnic groups in Myanmar have fought for the self-determination of their ancestors, where states in Naypyidaw are ruled not by the central government but by ethnic people.
Karen protects their land
This protracted conflict is waged by Karen, an ethnic minority who live mainly in the Irrawaddy Delta and the mountainous border regions with Thailand to the east of the country.
Since December, renewed fighting has erupted between the military and the Karen National Union – one of the oldest rebel groups – despite the 2012 ceasefire, forcing villagers to flee their homes.
The Free Burma Rangers, a humanitarian group working on the front lines of many of Myanmar’s conflicts, including Karen, said the attacks were the most intense and widespread since 2012 and that 6,000 displaced people were taking refuge in the jungle.
The group’s founder, Dave Yubank, believes the growing fighting is directly linked to the uprising because the military wants to “take full control of Burma.”
“Obviously the uprising was already planned and we saw pressure build up in the ethnic areas here in December and January last year and then even more after the uprising,” Ubenks said. “Now the ethnic leaders feel they are just theirs. “They are trying to protect the people and the displaced, but they are united with the pro-democracy and the CDM in the cities and plains of Burma.”
On Tuesday, more than 2,500 Karen people in 34 villages protested against the military in a statement “occupying our land and threatening our lives and peaceful existence.” In solidarity with the anti-insurgency movement, they demanded that the army “immediately withdraw from our territory” and that the regime be held accountable for crimes against ethnic people.
“We study surrender, and we declare that we have legitimate political power in our region. We reject all centrally imposed systems, reject the Burmese military dictatorship and the administrative system imposed by it in our region.” The group said. “As protectors of our ancestral territories, we must protect our environment and keep it free from outside interference that harms our inhabitants.”
Sympathy for racial conflict
Although an uneasy ceasefire is now in place, fighting between the ethnic Arkan Army and the military in the western Rakhine state since November 2018 has become the country’s most serious and intense conflict, resulting in civilian casualties, 200,000 displaced people and prolonged internet blackouts.
And while ethnic groups have united in opposition to the military coup, the trend in the western Rakhine state is more complex.
Rakhine activist Khaine, who lives in Yangon, said there was little difference between the military and the ousted NLD government for many in the conflict-torn north of the state, which has supported recent military operations in the state.
He said, “Most people (in northern Rakhine) see two enemies, the NLD and the army, and have been joining the army together for two years to fight the Arkan Army. Now they are fighting each other.”
In March 2020, the government designated the Arkan Army and its political wing as a terrorist organization, and by the November election, the Election Commission had canceled voting in many Rakhine townships, citing security concerns.
Last month, the Arakan National Party – the state’s largest political party and fierce critics of the NLD – sent a representative to join the military’s state administration council, which drew widespread criticism from the Rakhine people and civil society.
Khain said the move “completely damaged” the state’s political reputation, so he formed a terrorist protest group in Yangon to “show that we are against rebellion and dictatorship and show solidarity with the people here.” However, he said that the return of the NLD to power under the 2008 constitution was not life-threatening.
The conflict in Rakhine came after a bloody military campaign against the Rohingya. Some Rohingya living in refugee camps in Bangladesh have expressed solidarity with the protesters, posted on social media or demonstrated themselves.
The revolt sparked outrage among Burmese people as some apologized on social media for not recognizing ethnic conflicts.
“As the Rohingya crisis erupted,” the general population of Myanmar shared the same views with the military at the time, “Khain said. When Suu Kyi defended the military action in the ICJ, her popularity may have also increased before the election.
“But, after the uprising, a lot of people shared sympathy for him that there was terror but we ignored it,” Khine said.
He went on to add, “Emotions and empathy are not enough, they need to show up with their action.”
Salai contributed to reporting to TZ and Angus Watts.
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