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Those who know everything
Step by step, the circumstances of the attack on A. Navalns become clear. When the Russian opposition politician quickly recovered, it became clear that he could have received his near-fatal dose of Novichiok not at Tomsk airport but at a hotel.
As soon as they learned of the attack on politics, the comrades collected all the items from the hotel room that, in theory at least, could help explain the circumstances of the attack, and packed them safely with the patient in Germany. While Navalna was flying in a private plane in a coma, Russian border controls were evaded and physical evidence was secretly withdrawn. Traces of Novičiok have already been found on these objects in Germany.
Alexei Navalnas / Stop shot and Scanpix photo.
If anyone knows who and when the poison of A. Navalnas “Novičiok” changed, then the people who constantly follow him. Roman Anin, editor-in-chief of the Važnys istoriji (“Important Stories”) portal, is convinced of this.
According to the portal, A. Navalnu is interested in various units of the FSB, whose tasks are related to people unfavorable to the Kremlin. “The details of the work of these units indicate that the poisoning operation could have been personally approved by the president of Russia”, assumes Anin.
The sensational publication was based on the examination of the documents of the criminal cases brought against A. Navalns, conversations with former officials related to the persecution of the opposition politician and his colleagues from the Anti-Corruption Fund.
The evolution of monitoring
Navaln first came to the attention of Russia’s special services around 2008-2010, when he was just a blogger. At that time, no one thought about the Anti-Corruption Fund, which he would not say about the issue of corruption in A. Navaln’s texts: they were dominated by information about criminal actions in Russian state-owned companies. For example, in 2008 it published investigations into how the top executives of the Gazprom subsidiary were illegally gained by reselling gas from private producers Gazprom. Around that time, Navaln demanded that Rosneft reveal information about Russia’s oil exports through Gunvor, the closest friend of Vladimir Putin’s friend Gennady Timchenko.
In conducting his research, A. Navalnas used a simple tactic: he acquired a small stake in state-owned companies and then, exercising his rights as a minority shareholder, demanded the disclosure of documents on transactions and decisions made by management. If he refuses to do so, he goes to court.
“There is nothing illegal about this tactic and it is widely used in the Western business world, but in the Russian reality, where every large state-owned company has become a source of wealth for Russia’s closest friends, such blogging activities attracted immediately the attention of special services. ” The focus of the Sixth Section of the K Board is named by the author of the essay.
Board K and the Sixth Division
The K-Board, part of the FSB’s Economic Security Service, is considered one of the most powerful and influential units in the Special Service. It supervises the entire financial and credit sector of Russia, the insurance market, customs and tax authorities; This department has units for the fight against organized crime and drug trafficking.
As the entire Russian banking sector relies heavily on the decisions of the K Division, the FSB has long regarded it as one of the most corrupt. As recalled in the post, it was in section “K” that Dmitry Frolov, a well-known civil servant throughout Russia (accused of taking bribes from bankers, his relatives owned real estate worth several million euros in Italy) and Kirill Cherkalin (12 billion were confiscated during the search). rubles – the amount of about 70 thousand Russian pensions a year).
The formal board of directors has another important and little-known task: overseeing the administration of the Russian president. “In today’s Russia, the word ‘supervision’ has taken on the opposite meaning: the ‘K’ section has become a criminal body of the Kremlin, a means of repression,” said the author of the post on the Dozd TV blimp. .
According to him, section K is a locomotive that runs according to the schedule of the presidential administration, and the sixth section was a major car of this locomotive.
The sixth division was established in 1999. Its official tasks are regional analysis and monitoring. However, immediately after its creation, this unit went well beyond its formal functions. Among other things, it was the staff of this department who provided the prosecutor’s office with evidence in the criminal cases against Mikhail Khodorkovsky and Boris Berezovsky.
Misleading logic
The first task of the Sixth Division of Council K was to find out who finances A. Navalns. A department called Rosfinmonitoring called Financial Intelligence was used for this purpose.
The shoals managed to detect one of the large orders: 300 thousand were transferred from Vladimir Ashurkov’s account. rubles (3.4 thousand euros at the current exchange rate). “Immediately a theory was born in the minds of the Chekists: Ashurkov works for the Alfa Group, which means that Navalns is financed by the Alfa Group. Navaln could be Surkov’s project, and FSB officials decided to secretly visit Ashurkov’s office to confirm his theory, reaching out to a former colleague who had previously worked for Alfa Group, the author said.
As if Putin came to power, FSB officials began to infiltrate all the big companies. Formally they have security responsibilities, but their main function is to keep the FSB informed of everything that happens in the company.
One of those colleagues promised to help the shallows and give access to V. Ašurkov’s office, but at the same time, apparently, decided to warn the management of Alfa Group. After a conversation with the management, V.Ašurkovas resigned.
Apparently he knows a lot more about me than I do. I imagine how tired I was of knowing the details of my rather monotonous and boring life.
Faithful A. Kuzin
Finally, the employees of the Sixth Division of the K-Board went from intelligence to more offensive operations against Navaln and accompanied “almost all criminal cases against him and his comrades.”
In the Kirovles case, for example, in which an opposition politician and his late friend Pyotr Oficerov were sentenced to probation, almost all operational information was provided to the investigation by Alexei Kuzin, an employee of the Sixth Division. He collected information about the Navaln movement, his family and acquaintances.
The Kirov Regional Court first sentenced Navalna and Oficerov to actual prison terms, and the next day, after massive protests from street political supporters, the court unexpectedly decided to lift the arrest and release them with a promise not to go anywhere. Both defendants were subsequently paroled.
“The interlocutors do not hide the fact that both decisions (first imprisoned and then released) were handed over to the court by the Russian presidential administration,” said the journalist.
Once again, A. Kuzin himself growls in the famous “Yves Rocher Affair”. In this case, A. Navaln was again sentenced to probation and his brother Oleg was sentenced to 3.5 years in a general regime colony.
2015, the same Chapter VI dealt with the so-called Case of Images. Several employees of the A. Navaln Foundation were accused of stealing a painting from a fence on Vladimir Street, which even its author later estimated at 5,000. rubles (about 55 euros).
In investigating this case, the Sixth Division used a variety of operational search tools (including listening to interviews) against at least 10 staff members of the anti-corruption fund.
Eventually, Navaln’s accomplice Georgiy Alburov was found guilty of robbery and sentenced to forced labor, and the second defendant, Nikita Kulačenkov, was forced to leave Russia.
About Kuzin, whose name is constantly mentioned in various documents, and A. Navalnas himself has written: “He does all the operational work related to me. He is mentioned in all the searches, interrogations, etc. He seems to know much more about me. I can imagine how tired I was of knowing the details of my rather monotonous and boring life. “
Polonoy Trail
R. Anin recalls that in one of the cases commissioned by the Sixth Division, the name Andrei Lugovoy was used. Today, a member of the State Duma was arrested in 2001 for trying to help a man close to Boris Berezovsky to leave the country.
2004 A. Lugovojus was sentenced to two years in prison and in 2006 he, according to British law enforcement agencies, poisoned former FSB agent Alexander Litvinenko, who had taken refuge in the UK, with radioactive polonium.
Fight a terrorist
According to law enforcement officials working on the Navaln cases, the Sixth Division’s focus has diminished over time – the administration has begun to prioritize areas that are most promising in terms of cash flow, such as the division bank.
However, it was at that time that A. Navalnas had already become an active blogger politician, so he was taken over by another FSB unit: the Directorate for the Fight against Terrorism and Political Extremism.
The reputation for this is ambiguous. On the one hand, this unit is made up of agents who risk their lives in counter-terrorism missions. On the other hand, here are units that deal with the silencing of dissidents (sometimes in the literal – physical – sense of the word). For example, they were the ones involved in violence against members of the nationalist party Eduard Limonov.
At the same time, the board has a good reputation in the presidential administration. For example, until 2012. His boss, Mikhail Belousov, is now deputy director of the Internal Policy Division of the Presidential Administration.
The names of the authors and organizers of the attempted poisoning of A. Navalns should be well known to those FSB officials who follow every step of the politician, his children, wife, friends and colleagues every day, the author of the publication is convinced . “But they are unlikely to ever speak up. Because in today’s Russia, the phrase ‘state security officer’ has also taken on the opposite meaning. Those who took the oath and were called to protect people from government arbitrariness have become the main guardians of the governmental arbitrariness of the people, “he sums up. R. Aninas.
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