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Such an approach is quite popular. Many European critics, such as Janan Ganesh and Wolfgang Münchau of the Financial Times, say that relations between the United States and the EU will not fundamentally change, even if the President of the United States, Donald Trump, is defeated by a Democrat.
A Democratic president is said to remain a trade protectionist, sympathetic to the supposed instincts of isolation in American society, and equally reluctant to write checks for European defense.
This description originally applied to Senators Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts and Bernie Sanders of Vermont, despite their strong support for international cooperation and human rights. Now some Europeans are also talking about Joe Biden.
But the idea that Biden will not bring about a real change in US policy toward Europe seems unconvincing.
Biden has always been devoted transatlantic and has established close ties with key European leaders, including German Chancellor Angela Merkel, during her decades-long political career.
As the U.S. Vice President from 2009 to 2017, Biden was always ready to provide personal diplomacy when President Barack Obama was unable to do so.
The Democratic Party remains a values party, and the Biden administration would fully restore what was lost during Trump’s four years of leadership.
While European critics are correct to doubt that the old transatlantic alliance will simply return to the situation it was in before the Trump administration, they are exaggerating by underestimating the importance of Biden’s victory to US foreign policy.
The Democratic Party remains a values party, and the Biden administration would fully restore what was lost during Trump’s four years of leadership, restoring America’s historic commitment to responsible leadership on the world stage.
Trump has dedicated his mandate to disputes with Europe over climate change, trade and human rights, and Biden would return the United States to the diplomatic table.
The United States would join the Paris Climate Agreement, seek new trade agreements, and participate in the common effort to ensure that technological innovation meets human rights standards.
In the European Union, the image of the United States has reached a record low due to the slow, inconsistent and ineffective response of the Trump administration to the COVID-19 crisis, much of which is the indictment of other countries rather than cooperation with them.
Rather than fight the crisis and use the resources of the World Health Organization and other multilateral organizations, the United States has banned travel from Europe without warning and declared that there are no funds for WHO.
One of Biden’s first foreign policy objectives will be to rectify this and treat COVID-19 as a global crisis.
This means using American cooperation and leading global efforts to combat the threat to protect Americans from the pandemic (and the associated economic recession).
With Biden in the White House, European telecommunications companies such as Nokia and Ericsson would receive adequate support and would be recognized as 5G champions of the transatlantic alliance, and the United States would help the United States become independent from Russian gas as it moves toward energy. clean.
The Biden administration would also start smart negotiations with Russia on the renewal of the new START nuclear weapons treaty, which expires in 2021.
This administration would also seek different ways to control arms, improve European and American security interests, and prevent new arms races.
In addition, the Biden administration would enforce the agreements in any agreement and would be tasked with upholding America’s commitments to partners and allies around the world.
The only question that remains is: Would Europe also be prepared to make the difficult decisions necessary to revitalize the Alliance?
With sufficient determination and close cooperation with the United States, Europe would have a significant influence on the rules in its hands, based on the promotion of a multilateral system.
Trump allowed Europe to avoid such elections because his bizarre behavior distracted him from most other problems. For example, while everyone’s gaze focused on intensifying the Sino-American struggle, the EU became even more favorable to China.
In early June, the EU’s High Representative for Foreign Affairs, Joseph Borrell, declared that Europe did not consider China a military threat. While the political leaders of the two main American parties have loudly condemned China’s new security law in Hong Kong, the EU’s response has been quite humble.
Let us not forget that the EU is the largest trading bloc in the world. With sufficient determination and close cooperation with the United States, Europe would have a significant influence on the rules in its hands, based on the promotion of a multilateral system. However, diplomatic and political capital must be used for this.
The same goes for the closest problems. Working closely with the US, Europe would greatly benefit by strengthening Ukraine’s independence and resistance to Kremlin aggression, in particular by supporting the recently renewed sanctions regime against Russia.
The EU is also interested in paving the way for the accession of the Western Balkans and the demolition of the stone border, which has long been in the hands of Russia, China, Turkey and other countries. By bringing the Western Balkans into the transatlantic community, Europe could count on the support of a bilateral majority in the United States Congress.
To achieve any of these objectives, the EU must put its values above political and diplomatic expediency. This would demonstrate to American society that Europe is not so free-spirited, Trump says, but rather a trustworthy and trustworthy partner.
In fact, Americans are already searching for political ideas in Europe, from Big Tech acquisitions and privacy protections to the provision of healthcare and other important elements of the social safety net. A revitalized transatlantic relationship could boost the flow of European ideas to the United States.
Of course, transatlantic reconstruction would also require the United States to respect human rights and democracy, which would mean a tougher stance on the current Turkish government. Which shouldn’t be difficult.
Many Europeans who support protectionism are frustrated former supporters of the transatlantic alliance. As the leadership of the United States changes, their frustration may begin to lessen.
A survey by the National Security Movement showed that most Americans are concerned about Trump’s misbehavior with leaders of other countries and would like the United States government to adhere to American values, including rights humans.
The triumphs worthy of Trump’s television show in recent years against the transatlantic alliance have given Europe every reason to turn around and build barriers to protectionism.
But data from the ECFR survey shows that many pro-protectionist Europeans are frustrated by former supporters of the transatlantic alliance. As the leadership of the United States changes, their frustration may begin to lessen.
Either way, European critics can continue to distort the facts about Biden, the Democrats, and American attitudes toward foreign policy.
After all, lowering expectations will only make it easier for the future Biden administration to exceed the expectations of European society. Relationships and alliances depend on attitude, nothing less than anything else.
Alexander Soros is Vice President of the Open Society Foundations.
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