Kyrgyzstan elections: Euphoria turns to insecurity as sea rule spreads

The power vacuum is threatening to destabilize Kyrgyzstan, which is struggling to come up with a legal way to transfer power in the wake of a violent uprising over the disputed parliamentary election results. Happiness has quickly turned to uncertainty and insecurity after opposition groups seized the parliament building.

The government seems to be frustrated by past events, with mob rule spreading across the country. People have flocked to government offices and are appointing their leaders for the post of president, mayor or minister.

However, these self-proclaimed “appointments” can be quickly overcome by other, larger crowds. The same thing has happened with Birbal Party leader Alambett Shikmatomev, who declared himself the new party’s lawyer-general who will hand over the job to a representative of the other party, who showed up with a few people in the office building.

The mayor is “overthrown”, forcing government representatives to resign.

Several coordination committees have been formed to enforce the order on the roads and carry out the transfer of power. Each of them claims to represent power during the transition period.

Some groups have used the power vacuum to free imprisoned politicians with controversial backgrounds, including former President Alamzebak Atambayev, jailed on corruption charges, and former Nationalist Ata-Jert Party MP Sadyar Jakarov, who was sentenced to 10 years in prison. Hostage.

Melissa Mirzaktomev, the infamous former mayor of Osh, Kyrgyzstan’s second-largest city, also returned from self-deportation and began harassing his supporters. Mr Mirzaktomev is known for his nationalist rhetoric in the region where the ethnic clashes erupted in 2010 when he was mayor.

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The emergence of these figures and groups inevitably leads to power struggles, as each of them aims to promote their own interests.

Lack of legitimacy

The focus of the main battle has become the work of the Prime Minister.

On Tuesday, a group of 35 MPs gathered at a hotel behind closed doors and announced the appointment of Mr Japarov as the new prime minister. The very next day, another group announced that the rival party’s Tilak Toktogaziv, would play the role instead. At this rate, some observers joke, Kyrgyzstan will get a new prime minister every day.

All these new councils and appointments have more or less legitimacy. According to the constitution, a candidate for prime minister must be nominated by a majority party or coalition, after which parliament votes to approve his candidacy. And at least 61 out of 120 MPs should be present. The session should also be open to media and public scrutiny. None of these procedures have been observed.

Sania Toktogiziva, a lawyer and expert on constitutional law, says parliament is the only legal body.

The only way out of this, says Ms. Toktogiziva, is an extraordinary session of parliament where they appoint a new cabinet. After that, she added, Parliament must be impeached if the president refuses to step down voluntarily. The Speaker of Parliament will become the Acting President and call for re-election.

Many in Kyrgyzstan have blamed President Soronbe Jinbekov for systematically buying votes and allowing other widespread irregularities during parliamentary elections to ensure that only his loyalist parties win seats in parliament. And after a violent crackdown on protesters, the opposition wants Mr Jinbekov to leave.

However, Adil Basolov, Kyrgyzstan’s ambassador to the UK, says both the president and parliament must be used to deal with the current crisis.

“We should not write it – [Sooronbay Jeenbekov] Is still the head of state. He is willing to guarantee succession and legitimacy, as he told the BBC Kyrgyz. Those who demand impeachment do not understand what it could lead to. It may declare piracy, the appearance of local kings, and some councils seeking to seize power. ”

In an interview with the BBC Kyrgyzstan, Mr Jinbekov said he was “ready to hold strong leaders accountable” but called for a dialogue and a return to the legal framework at public meetings.

Vigilance groups

This is the third uprising in Kyrgyzstan since 2005. The “Tulip Revolution” in 2005 and the “April Revolution” in 2010 that ousted the ruling presidents were followed by looting, forcible occupation of private businesses, and ethnic clashes in 2010.

This time, now widely known as the “October Revolution,” many fear that such unrest and violence could recur. The country is already facing growing instability in the capital and regions.

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People associated with criminal groups have raided and captured several gold and coal mines in Issikul, Narin and other regions. In some cases, they set fire to equipment and physically assaulted workers.

Bishkek residents and activists have formed vigilance groups to protect the city’s large shopping malls and business centers.

“On Wednesday night there was a large group of people,” said Talaye Nasirdinov, a member of the Reform Party. “They walked on the road and threw stones. We followed them to make sure nothing happened. I believe they were instigators who wanted to rob the shop and that is how we were defamed – the honest and free elections by the protesters. Fought. “

Awareness groups also gathered outside the Prime Minister’s Office building. They prevented Mr. Japarov’s supporters from occupying the building.

Tensions are high as many opposition political groups are pushing their agenda on others.

“We have such chaos,” Mr Nasirdinov said. “If things continue as they are today, we will never reach a consensus. A dragon – instead of President Jinbekov – now we have at least three or four and this could pull us in pursuit of different interests. And I fear the worst. – Civil war. I’m worried we might lose our country. “