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While COVID 19 compensates for the scheduled elections, the Ethiopian government is considering several options, including the constitutional amendment to remain in power until the next election. Opposition consulted but TPLF requires that the election be made as scheduled
Borkena
April 29, 2020
Ethiopia’s current government has only a few months before the next general election had it not been for COVID 19, which offset the electoral calendar.
The terms of parliament in late September 2020. Ethiopia’s National Board of Elections devised a calendar in February this year to hold national elections in late August, as stipulated in the constitution. Now it is not happening.
Some critics tend to view COVID 19 as a political opportunity for Prime Minister Abi’s government in the sense that it may now have reason to postpone it.
You have four “legal” cards to do so. In what appears to be a matter of formality, his government began a discussion with opposition parties and civic organizations in the country to deliberate on the best way to defer elections.
The four options are:
1) Dissolve parliament
2) Declare a state of emergency
3) Amend the constitution
4) Starting the constitutional interpretation
According to the analysis of legal experts, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed could dissolve parliament with permission from parliament as provided in article 60/1 of the constitution. But the government will have to organize elections within six months from the date parliament is dissolved. However, experts like Gedion Timotios, who work for the attorney general’s office, are inclined to denote that “it is not a better option”, because it could lead to a weak government.
The second option, declaring a state of emergency, also has a constitutional basis in article 91/1. The option could also provide a basis for imposing sanctions on certain rights. Some seem to see this as a better option, as it will give the government stronger enforcement power.
A constitutional amendment is another possibility to avoid violating the constitution by failing to hold an election within the time frame provided for in the constitution. This option requires two thirds of the vote in the House of People’s Representatives and the House of the Federation. A joint session of the two chambers with two thirds of the votes.
Still, the other option is to start constitutional interpretation so as to fill in the gaps in the constitution in order to postpone the election. But experts see weakness in that the result could be unpredictable.
The question remains which option is easier for Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s government.
Most, if not all, opposition parties seem to agree that the election should be postponed. Ethiopia’s Electoral Board has already decided that it cannot hold the elections as scheduled due to the coronavirus situation, but some opposition parties, such as the Oromo Liberation Front and the Oromo Federalist Congress, criticized the decision, alleging that they were not consulted in this regard.
On the other hand, the Tigray Popular Liberation Front (TPLF) remained intransigent about its position. This week, the regional state of Tigray demanded that the election be held as scheduled and as required by the constitution despite the Coronavirus situation. This week, a former TPLF general who was Director General of the Information Network Security Agency (INSA) for a long time argued that his organization did not fight to liberate Ethiopia but the people of Tigray.
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