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Opinion
By Getachew Metaferia, Ph.D.
The current conflict in Ethiopia seems to receive different and erroneous interpretations on the part of most members of the international community. This misinterpretation could be due to misinformation about the situation, a misunderstanding of Ethiopian history and the general ethiopia of Ethiopians, or simply a desire to provide simplistic answers to a complex situation. This is a country that has a long and enduring history full of triumphs and tribulations, especially in its recent memory. As such, Ethiopia’s history is dotted with periods of assimilation, nation-building, external conquest, and being on the brink of total disintegration and internal regional struggles. Throughout this course of history, this ancient country has managed to build and nurture a strong sense of Ethiopian identity and national spirit. Hence, although they may have their own internal differences, interests and aspirations, like other countries, their people have forged unity and strength, especially in the face of external or internal threats. Unlike most countries, the people of Ethiopia have a common and shared history that they can refer to. On the basis of these historical facts, the degeneration of the current situation into civil conflict and disintegration of the country remains implausible. That is the link that foreign observers often lose.
Ethiopia was under a monarchy that for centuries was known for uniting the country’s vast kingdom, sometimes through conquests and sometimes through friendly relationships, such as generations of intermarriage and blood mixing. Consequently, most Ethiopians remain uneasy to claim that they are full-blooded members of any ethnic group. The country has always been a mosaic of interwoven cultures and beliefs, uninterrupted by foreign domination or colonial rule.
The monarchy that, despite some flaws, played an important role in Ethiopia’s history, ended when a despotic military dictatorship, Derg (1974-1991), took power and left its egregious mark on the country’s history. Later, it was replaced by the Tigrai Popular Liberation Front (TPLF), which had its genesis in a secessionist guerrilla war. When the end of the Derg became eminent, to gain acceptance from the Ethiopians, the TPLF formed and controlled the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Forces (EPRDF), made up of four ethnically based rebel groups that had fought against the Derg. After 27 years of total control of the country, the TPLF / EPRDF was dismantled in 2018 through internal rearrangements and reorganized as the Prosperity Party led by current Prime Minister Abiy Ahmad. As a result, the TPLF felt marginalized in the new political arrangement, retreated to its ethnic region (Tigri) and continued to challenge the central government and undermine peace and stability in the country. Because he used to totally control all aspects of the country for 27 years, he now felt powerless, having lost the cusp of power, and thus became an existential threat to the country.
Ultimately, the TPLF abuse of power and Ethiopia’s misrule (1991-2018) led most Ethiopians to have bad feelings towards the ruling clique. The following are some of the serious complaints made against the TPLF:
1. Exhibited scandalous corruption, land grabbing, and ethnic favoritism and chauvinism based on ethnicity. Ethiopians felt marginalized, neglected and alienated.
2. He inflicted grave human rights abuses and inhumane treatment of those in prison.
3. He manipulated the country on an ethnic and linguistic basis, leading citizens to a dichotomous relationship of “us and them”, minimizing its long and interwoven tapestry of history and culture. On the other hand, TPLF invented and / or emphasized real or imagined differences and divisions.
4. He monopolized all facets of the country: political, economic, military, social, and even meddled in the affairs of religious institutions to gain loyalty.
5. gagged the free press, denied freedom of expression and democratic rights, secretly armed supporters and stockpiled illegal weapons, unleashed agents and informants in society and government institutions, inappropriate for a junior partner (province / region) of a sovereign federated state.
6. Assisted and facilitated internal uprisings and collaborated with foreign enemies to destabilize and / or undermine the country and even forcibly overthrow the government.
7. Finally, he attacked, massacred and inhumanly treated the Ethiopian national army stationed in the Tigri region. The army was involved in providing community services to farmers, such as harvesting crops and fighting locust invasions. Such a heinous act is unacceptable to any country. The Ethiopian government was forced to take appropriate measures to bring criminals to justice.
Such situations have led the country to oppose the TPLF as an organization, and not the people of Tigri. Ethiopians feel that Tigrians themselves have suffered under the regime, and only a handful of cliques linked through family connections benefited. As a result, most Ethiopians would hardly shed tears over the demise of the TPLF and the predicament its elites face today, which is of their own making. The TPLF, on its last day, is trying to internationalize this conflict by claiming to have bombed Eritrea. However, a cool head seems to have prevailed in the Eritrean leaders who refused to get involved in the conflict, as they well know that this dying horse was not worth whipping. He’s on the edge of a cliff facing his deadly disappearance. Eritrea’s position will also deter other historical enemies of Ethiopia who may have overt or covert ties to the TPLF from joining this conflict.
Looking ahead, once the situation subsides and the dust settles, it would be an opportune time for the country’s government, civic organizations, and political, religious, and cultural leaders to call for a national peace and reconciliation convention in order to find durable solutions. to the innumerable problems of the country. Next, the focus should be on national development, democracy building, and undertaking bold programs that address poverty reduction, actively involve large numbers of young people in building the country, and generally meeting basic needs. of the population. It is high time that friendly countries, as they have done in the past, reach out to help Ethiopia revitalize itself and embark on the arduous task of recovery and reconstruction. The lion’s share of the task, however, remains in the hands of all Ethiopians who continue to be captains of the state ship (to use Plato’s analogy) of Ethiopia and its destiny.
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About the Author: Dr. Getachew Metaferia is Professor of Political Science at Morgan State University in Baltimore, Maryland, USA.
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