[ad_1]
Boyko Borissov’s government is facing a great test today, when mass protests are taking place in Bulgaria in the context of the corruption crisis, which is beginning to cause unrest in Berlin and Brussels.
For almost two months, Borissov has faced daily demonstrations by mostly young protesters, sometimes tens of thousands, who claim that an oligarchic mafia has taken control of the nation through its influence in the judiciary, the media. communications and the state security apparatus.
As the momentum of the daily protests begins to wane, the protesters want to strengthen the initiative today with what they call the “Great Uprising of the People” against Borissov. The politician is a former firefighter and bodyguard loyal to the European People’s Party, a center-right political family that includes German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s Christian Democrats.
The protesters chose Wednesday to increase the pressure, as it is the first business day of the Bulgarian parliament since the summer and Borissov is due to start a highly controversial revision of the Constitution.
In mid-August, Borissov responded to protesters’ demands to resign, saying he understood the “deep desire for change” in Bulgaria and proposed a “reboot” through a revised constitution.
His opponents immediately smelled defeat and said he was buying time by starting a potentially lengthy process that would allow him to regroup. According to them, several of the reforms proposed by him will only further undermine the rule of law in favor of the mafia kings, whose defense he stands for.
Borisov’s fierce opponent, President Rumen Radev, linked to the country’s Socialist Party, spoke harshly about the proposed “restart.” “Can the Mafia Reform the Judiciary?” The answer is no! ”Radev said.
In fact, constitutional changes now seem impossible because Borissov lacks the necessary two-thirds majority in parliament to convene a Grand National Assembly, something like a super-parliament with additional lawmakers who can revise the constitution. In one of his typically ambiguous resignation promises, Borisov promised to resign after the decision to form the Supreme National Assembly was made, but there is little prospect of that.
However, there is a more immediate political risk that could expose your vulnerability today. To begin debating in the Grand National Assembly in five months, something that could give Borissov time to catch his breath, he needs half the votes in parliament.
It seems that every vote comes down to a careful game, because it needs support outside of its own ruling coalition. His political destiny is now tied to the leaders of minor parties. In particular, the populist tycoon Veselin Mareshki, whose popularity comes from his chain of low-cost pharmacies and from whom he expects support for constitutional reforms.
Borissov predicted Tuesday that he would get the necessary 120 votes in the 240-seat parliament and dismissed speculation that he might have to resign. When asked by journalists what would happen if he did not provide the necessary support for their reform projects, he said: “Work!”
The situation of the rule of law in Bulgaria is multifaceted and ranges from oligarchic coloring of the landscape with illegal buildings to the illegal use of state security agents. The most striking revelations focus on the extent to which the judiciary is armed for internal oligarchic wars and blackmail of businessmen. The protesters demanded the resignation of Chief Prosecutor Ivan Geshev, but he refused to do so.
Bulgaria’s failed rule of law for years is due to the lack of EU control, as in Poland and Hungary, because Borisov avoids any ideological war with Brussels and always seeks to flaunt his loyalty on the European stage to Merkel and the European People’s Party. .
However, Borissov’s ability to avoid international criticism is wearing thin, and the crisis in Bulgaria is even beginning to sound alarms in the ranks of Merkel’s Christian Democrats, long considered supporters of Borissov’s GERB party.
“It is clear to me that we have to talk seriously with the Boyko Borissov government, without any ‘yes’ or ‘buts’,” Guenter Krichbaum, a Christian Democrat and chairman of the Bundestag’s Committee on European Affairs, told Politico. “These things are unacceptable. Bulgaria’s accession to the EU is associated with clear commitments and expectations, and the citizens of Bulgaria are now misled by the fruits of EU membership.”
Detlef Müller, vice chairman of the Social Democratic Party (SPD) democratic politics group in the Bundestag, also expressed concern that Bulgaria could become another Hungary. “We need to pay more attention to countries like Bulgaria during the presidency of the EU Council,” he said. His party, a junior partner in Merkel’s ruling coalition, has already voiced support for the protests against Borissov and Geshev.
The growing concerns about Bulgaria are now visible in the European Parliament. Last week, her democracy, rule of law and fundamental rights monitoring group held a closed-door session on Bulgaria, investigating issues such as the attorney general and the role of EU funds in corruption. Lawmakers in the monitoring group wanted to keep the details of the meeting closed to private, but several said publicly that Bulgaria deserved closer scrutiny.
“We are not talking enough about Bulgaria,” said Katarina Barley, a social democrat and former German justice minister who is now vice-president of the European Parliament.
When asked if the EU should subject Bulgaria to the same controls as Poland and Hungary, German MEP Sergei Lagodinski said: “Of course.”
Borissov’s GERB party described the monitoring group as a failed attempt by Bulgarian opposition MEPs to tarnish the nation’s image. In a statement, GERB MP Emil Radev said it was an attempt to discredit Bulgaria due to the use of EU funds to build key infrastructure. “When you attack your homeland at the time of vital projects and you want to govern, you have to consider the consequences,” he said.
Ironically, given the historical weight of what Borissov is trying to do, many legal experts say there is no need for the Supreme National Assembly or a constitutional change to implement judicial reforms and see the prime minister’s approach as more political. smokescreen.
Some of the main concerns are that the new constitutional framework will seek to reduce the power of the president, Borissov’s enemy, without requiring major inspections by the all-powerful prosecution.
Hristo Ivanov, former Minister of Justice and leader of the Anti-Corruption Party “Yes, Bulgaria”, addressed the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, to explain his point of view.
“Rather than lead the Attorney General to seek accountability, he removed even existing, albeit minimal and insignificant, controls over his appointment and actions,” Ivanov wrote. “The ‘new constitution’ proposed by Borissov is nothing more than another attempt to fraud, maneuver and buy time and, in essence, threatens to make things worse.”
Christian Oliver, Hans von der Burchard and Maya de la Baume for Politico
[ad_2]
