The New York Times
The far right groups are bursting into the wake of the Capitol riots
Just eight weeks after the Capitol riots, some of the leading groups of participants are fracturing between backbiting and finger-pointing. The result will determine the fate of some very high-profile far-right organizations and predict split groups that could make the movement more dangerous. “The group needs new leadership and a new direction,” the St. Louis branch recently announced on Procad Boys’ encrypted messaging service Telegram, which was also condemned by at least six chapters scattered with the national organization. “The fame we gained is not worth it.” A similar raft has emerged in Oth Keepers, a group of veterans and a white nationalist group based on the College Ledge campus and a vociferous group claiming to have falsely claimed that Donald Trump had won the 2020 presidential election. Sign up for the New York Times Morning Newsletter After the Capitol riots, a large number of arrests and law enforcement crackdowns on some groups have been shaken. As far-right members move out of some of the more established groups and attack on their own, it can become more difficult to track extremists who have become more enthusiastic about carrying out violent attacks. “What you’re seeing right now is a recovery phase,” said Devin Burgert, a Seattle-based center for research and education on human rights, which monitors right-wing movements. “They are trying to assess their strengths, trying to find new foot soldiers and preparing for the next conflict.” The top leaders of the Gruper Army, Nick Fuentes and Patrick Casey, are in a bitter public controversy in the weeks following the riots. Casey accused Fuentes of putting followers at risk of arrest by continuing high-profile activities. “It’s not easy but it’s more important to move forward now than ever before,” Fuente wrote in a telegram. Among the boys of pride, a very right-wing fighting club claiming to defend the values of Western culture, the retrieval was further tightened by the revelation that the organization’s leader, Enrique Terio, once worked as a law enforcement informant. Despite Terio’s refusal, the news has put the future of the organization in question. “We reject and disapprove of the proven federal informant, Enrique Terio, and any and all chapters who choose to join him,” the Alabama chapter of the Proud Boys announced using the same language as the other chapters on the Telegram. Following the Capitol siege on January 6, special attention has been drawn to allegations about informants and undercover agents. “Traitors are everywhere, everywhere,” one participant wrote on a far-right telegram channel. In the chapters, Tario accused the group of misleading by holding high-profile clashes with far-left protesters and storming the Capitol. The St. Louis chapter said in its proclamation that “the proud boy was established to give brotherhood to men on the right, not to shout in the sky” and “to be arrested”, the St. Louis chapter said in its proclamation. A woman was killed at a rally in Charlottesville, Virginia in 2017, or the Oklahoma City bombing in 1995, which killed 168 people, including 19 children. Daryl Johnson, who studies Three Percenters and other paramilitary groups, said the current conflict could lead to more austerity and radicalization. “When these groups are blocked by law enforcement, they scatter all the rats.” “It doesn’t get rid of the extravagant problem.” President Biden has vowed to prioritize militancy, and his nominee for attorney general, Merrick Garland, said during his Senate confirmation hearing that he would “do everything in the power of the Department of Justice” to prevent domestic terrorism. Garland, chief attorney in the Oklahoma City bombing case, also said the United States was facing “more dangerous times than we did in Ok Clahoma City” or in recent memory. More than 300 people have been charged in the Capitol riots, with about 500 cases expected. At least 26 people have faced some of the most serious allegations, whether they are tied to Oath Keepers or a boy of pride. Most of the crowd, which was radical enough to support Trump’s false election claim and show up in Washington, D.C., were probably not affiliated with any particular group, experts said, expressing concern about how they would vent their anger. The legal consequences of storms will largely push people underground as well. Overall, unclear connections, and the potential for lone perpetrators, will make planned attacks more difficult to uncover. Already, there has been a tussle between members of paramilitary groups who attacked the Capitol over the attempted attack when the president addresses a joint session of Congress, Capitol police acting chief Yogananda de Pitman told a House subcommittee last week. But even as some extremist groups push for more confrontation, all sorts of followers want it. Doug Smith, president of the North Carolina chapter of the Oath Keepers, announced last month that he was leaving the national organization. Smith did not respond to messages seeking comment, but he told his local newspaper, The News Reporter, in Whiteville, North Carolina, that he was ashamed of the protesters who attacked the Capitol and beat police officers. For others, however, the riots were a glorious success, marking the beginning of the establishment and establishment of the law. “There’s a small part of it that has to be seen as Lexington and Concord, shots heard around the world, and the beginning of either the racial holy war or the collapse of our society, our government,” said Tom O’Connor. , A retired FBI counterterrorism specialist who continues to train agents on the subject. Far-right groups are already debating proposed changes to immigration policy and the debate over stricter gun control under Biden’s administration. The number of people turning to violence is impossible to count, but experts agree that the ruthless political divisions have widened the potential pool to the right and left. The division of large organizations sets the stage for smaller groups or single criminals, which are more difficult to track. “It makes them more dangerous,” said J.J., an expert on paramilitary groups in George W. Washington University’s Extremism Program. Said Mac Kanabe. Timothy McWig, who was hanged for the Klahoma City bombing, did not join the paramilitary group but adopted a violent ideology. “Rhetoric only fuels the fire for criminals,” said O’Connor Naro, echoing a common concern. “Now my concern is that there are too many McWigs in Faring.” Experts cite a variety of reasons why the prevalence of violence may now be worse than in earlier times when far-right organizations declared war on the government. The Oklahoma City attack was a period of retreat, but the 2008 black presidential election revived the white supremacy movement. Experts said these groups have 13 years of experience without making constant efforts to stop them through law enforcement. Some groups that held a far-right rally in Charlottesville in 2017 withdrew from subsequent internal strife and lawsuits threatening to fire them. People, including boys of pride and various paramilitary organizations, grew up and went to take part in the January 6 riots. At the same time, extremist ideology has spread more and more rapidly on social media, and foreign governments such as Russia have actively worked to spread such ideas to sow discord in the United States. New threats and concerns about potential targets continue to surface. The announcement in early February that hackers had tried to poison the water supply in a small Florida town caught the attention of Ronaldo Nazareth, the founder of a violent white supremacist group called Base. Seven members of the two states were arrested on charges of murder, kidnapping and other acts of violence in order to provoke a widespread civil war that could lead to a white homeland. In Russia, the U.S. Out of reach of law enforcement, Nazareth wrote on the Telegram that the water poisoning conspiracy is a possible model for something big. When the paramilitary cell’s plan to kidnap Michigan’s governor was exposed, the kind of extremists who worried experts came out in October. In federal court in January, the FBI named one of the 14 defendants, Barry G. Croft Jr., 44, demonstrated as a national leader of three percent, a loose ally of paramilitary groups that is difficult to track because virtually anyone can claim allegiance. According to court documents, Croft helped create and test shrapnel bombs to target people, and a hit list he posted on Facebook included threats against Trump and Barack Obama. He was denied bail by Judge Sally J. Barens quoted from transcripts of conversations taped by an informant, in which he threatened to injure people or blow things up. The judge said, “I’m going to make you do some very nasty and disgusting things that you’ve never read about in your life history.” This article originally appeared in The New York Times. 21 2021 The New York Times Company