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Republican state parties have been targeting their own party’s elected officials in a sign of constant loyalty to Donald Trump.
The movements of the party’s state officials are highly unusual and an indication of the heated infighting battles the Republican Party will face in the months and years to come as it grapples with the legacy of its capture by Trump, his allies, and his loyal supporters.
Some state parties have criticized Republican senators for voting to convict Trump at his impeachment. Others have taken steps to reaffirm their loyalty to Trump after his reelection campaign’s defeat, while other prominent Republicans seek to take on bigger roles at the head of the party.
Republicans are divided on whether these moves are a good idea. Some argue that Trump remains the key conduit for grassroots support within the Republican party. Others say these struggles distract from what Republicans must do to win elections with the broader electorate.
“Some of the actions of the state parties – Arizona and Oregon come to mind – just don’t help win the election,” said Henry Barbour, a member of the Mississippi Republican National Committee.
The most recent such move came from the North Carolina Republican Party which censured the state’s top senator, Richard Burr, for voting to convict Trump in his impeachment. Burr joined six other Republicans and all Senate Democrats in voting for the conviction. That vote fell short of the two-thirds threshold needed to convict the former president.
Although it was unsuccessful, the impeachment vote ignited tensions within the party between those who remain staunchly loyal to Trump and those who are tired of having to swear allegiance to the single-term president or feel guilty about inciting. the mafia mutiny in the United States Capitol on January 6.
In Louisiana, the state party censured Senator Bill Cassidy for voting to impeach Trump. The president of the Louisiana Republican Caucus also warned Cassidy not to “expect a warm welcome when you return home to Louisiana.” In Alaska, local sections of the Republican Party voted to censor Senator Lisa Murkowski. In Nebraska, Senator Ben Sasse has been slapped with local party censures and the state party is ready to vote to censure him during a meeting in March.
Other senators also face the possibility of censorship, such as Pat Toomey, who is retiring in Pennsylvania, and Susan Collins, in Maine. Some Utah Republicans also want to censure Senator Mitt Romney.
The censures are largely symbolic, but they underscore the deep divide between the Republican political infantry and part of its elite.
Not only the senators or representatives who voted to impeach Trump are in the crosshairs of state parties. In Arizona, the Republican Party has censured former Senator Jeff Flake, Governor Doug Ducey and Cindy McCain, widow of the late Senator John McCain. The argument was that they were all unfairly antagonistic to Trump.
Liz Cheney, speaker of the House Republican Conference, and Congressman Adam Kinzinger of Illinois have received significant criticism from Republicans in their states for voting to impeach Trump. Both face tougher re-election struggles than they would otherwise and both have faced censorship from state Republican groups.
The Republican Party of Oregon condemned the pool of House Republicans who voted to impeach Trump even though no Oregon Republicans were part of that group.
These state parties, in other words, have increasingly transformed from groups that are umbrella organizations for all types of Republicans, to cells for Trump even when he’s out of office. The Utah Republican Party stood out as an exception for accepting the divergent votes of Romney (who voted to convict Trump) and Senator Mike Lee (who voted to acquit him).
The enthusiasm of state Republican parties to reestablish support for Trump and to dish out symbolic reprimands to other Republicans comes as leaders prepare for hard-hitting intra-party battles in the 2022 midterm elections and eventually the 2024 presidential battle, in which Trump has hinted that he could run. .
Recently, Kentucky’s Mitch McConnell, the top Republican in the Senate, suggested that he would engage in primary battles where pro-Trump candidates may have a great chance of winning the Republican nomination but then losing the general election. That prompted Trump to issue a strong statement lashing out at McConnell.
In turn, veteran Republicans worry that the dispute could further stumble Republicans and deepen divisions within the party.
Brian Walsh, who served as communications director for the Senate Republican National Committee during campaign cycles that saw intense fighting between the establishment and the party’s insurgent sects, argued that there was something of value in eliminating candidates who would clearly be passive. after the Republicans. the voting phase ends.
“When you look back at the primaries that cost Republicans seats in 2010 and 2012, one thread is that the front runner didn’t take that challenge as seriously as he should have,” Walsh said. “As the general election turned out, there was a lot to be said for some of these really bad candidates.”
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