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Jessica Taylor / Parliament of the United Kingdom
The Boris Johnson government has a large majority. He was never going to lose the Monday night vote in the Commons.
Downing Street estimates that the majority of the public will not pay much attention to further Westminster discussions of the Brexit process.
In turn, many Conservative MPs are confident that the dispute over the UK’s internal market bill will not leak out to their constituents.
And where it does, they are far more likely to side with the government taking a hard line with the EU rather than sharing the concerns of former prime ministers or august lawyers who mock the government’s behavior.
And yet, first of all, to state the obvious, the opposition from the former occupants of number 10, former chancellors and former cabinet ministers is not exactly a sign of peace and harmony.
There are many people who are not, as one cabinet minister put it, “extremely relaxed” about the government admitting that its strategy could violate international law if it helps to reach an agreement with the EU.
Second, present-day Downing Street might relish the idea of uniting its opponents: the former Remainers, the Lords, and much of the legal profession as it was this time last year.
But resistance to No. 10 goes beyond the usual suspects this time. Some Brexiters are also spitting tokens: a senior, irate conservative told me “we can never get back from this.”
Most importantly, a couple of members of the new group of MPs were brave enough to stick their heads over the parapets as well.
More MPs are likely to vote against the government when it comes to making changes to the legislation next week; it’s easier to back the adjustments than it is to try to block the bill on Monday.
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But, at the other end of Parliament, where there is even more gold leaf, the legislation is likely to crash against a very elegant red and gold wall.
As it stands, this bill is highly unlikely to make it through the House of Lords, so expect a painful back and forth for many weeks that could suck up parliamentary time, effort, and political oxygen when the government is trying. to deal with another great crisis. .
To try perhaps to avoid some of that, Boris Johnson held a conference call with his conservative peers Monday night, but one of those who listened was far less than complimentary with what the prime minister had to say.
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There is also some suspicion among some who have previously supported the government in its tactic.
Hit the pots, break conventions, make noise, so as we discussed last week, if the government eventually backs down and signs a deal, well, the impression has been created that bravado is what caused the things will get out of line.
That, of course, would be denied by ministers, convinced that legislation is necessary.
However, for some in government, it cannot be denied that this is an awkward moment, a strategy that could pay off, if it shows the EU a seriousness of intent. But it is far from clear that the result is worth the risk.
The ‘specific and limited way’ was deliberate
P.S. If, as many MPs are wondering, you are wondering why Northern Ireland’s secretary, Brandon Lewis, said what he said in the dispatch box last week, which lit the fuse of what would have already been a major dispute in Parliament, I am He said that his bluntness was entirely deliberate and that a plan for him to utter those exact words had been discussed and approved in the government.
The sentiment is said to have been that having agreed on a course of action (to drive the EU and opponents crazy or to properly protect the UK, eliminate based on their political preferences), ministers should be explicit about what was happening, and in fact, no cabinet minister could fool the House of Commons.
However, it is worth noting that no minister since has been so willing to repeat Mr. Lewis’s admission. Let’s see, after this first vote, if others are willing to go there.
