Guinea-Bissau: the silent war in the Presidency, New Majority and Government



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Rumors are increasingly frequent that point to a disagreement between the elements of the new parliamentary majority, but officially no one agrees to face and assume, or deny, just as no one denies that there is a silence in the Presidency, a new majority and Government.

The doubts about the continuity of Nuno Nabian as Prime Minister (PM), the weak influence of Braima Camará before the institutions and before President Umaro Sissoco Embaló, the decision of Sisssoco Embaló to propose the integration of the PAIGC into the Government and the refusal of the PRS to The draft Constitution of Umaro Sissoco Embaló, are elements that support the indications of disagreements, disputes and crisis.

The presidency, the government and the parties that constitute the foundations of the new majority, communicate with reservations, each party fears being a victim of its allies, and the feeling of governing by the razor’s edge is increasingly present.

The new majority persists, but is now made up of various versions of new majorities from each leader’s perspective. Umaro Sissoco Embaló also has his vision of what could be a new one in the new majority.

The government reorganization, which has been postponed several times, will define the new powers and chess of the new majority and will define the “new new majority” with Umaro Sissoco Embaló at the helm, which will be the pre-chamber for the affirmation of the presidential system in a still environment. ruled by a dying semi-presidentialism.

The invitation to the PAIGC to join the government suggests that it is a unilateral initiative of Umaro Sissoco Embaló. A strategic intention that is dividing the supporters of the Head of State, but some do not hide that the intention of the President of the Republic “is correct.” Nelson Moreira, vice president of the MADEM parliamentary bench, said on October 3 that he supports the integration of the PAIGC in the Government, since it is the only way to guarantee the stability of the Government and allow the execution of some policies of the Head of State.

Despite some favorable positions, the hypothesis of integration of the PAIGC into the government has the greatest opposition within this party, which ended up conditioning entry into the Government with the demand to lead the Executive, taking into account that it was the most voted party in the elections Legislative 2019.

Regarding the ERP, it has focused its resistance on the Commission’s Constitutional Review Project conceived by Umaro Sissoco Embaló, and its position was expressed at the recent International Conference, which the Renovadores organized on the occasion of the September 24 celebrations, Independence Day.

With the topic “Importance of the Constitutional Review and its Relevance”, the speakers invited by the ERP concluded that the project presented by the Commission created by Umaro Sissoco Embaló does not include all the necessary elements. Jorge Bacelar Gouveia, Portuguese constitutionalist invited to address the issue, “advised against” the change of Political Regime and argued that semi-presidentialism is appropriate to the reality of the country. In the opinion of this constitutionalist, the option should be the timely revision of some articles.

The unconstitutionality of the Commission created by Umaro Sissoco Embaló, however, is the most serious and legally complex point to defend. The President of the Republic does not have constitutional initiative powers, so he does not have the support of Parliament and, even less, of some parties.

It was with the firm intention of making his constitutional review viable that Umaro Siossoco led Umaro Siossoco to invest in the integration of the PAIGC into the government, and thus negotiate to obtain the 2/3 majority of the Assembly’s deputies, necessary to approve a new Constitution . However, Domingos Simões Pereira, leader of the Libertadores, has already been peremptory in considering that the constitutional revision project is “a proposal that does not exist,” so it does not allow any negotiation on this basis.

The enigmatic silence of Braima Camará

Increasingly, Bissau is being felt in the corridors of power, who also supports the growing disagreement between ideologues and leaders of the new majority, the alleged friction between the President of the Republic, Umaro Sissoco Embaló and the Coordinator of the Movement for Democratic Alternation ( MADEM). ), Braima Camará, who is publicly silent.

If in fact there are no exchanges of accusations or public confrontations between the two, it is no less true that their activists have lifted the veil of the existence of a real crisis. The first track was released by blogger Denilson Ferreira, aka “Doka Internacional”.

The blogger, who until May 2020 acted as a promoter for Sissoco Embaló and Braima Camará, became a whistleblower and a severe critic of the current power, due to an alleged “betrayal” that will have been the target of the president and the leader. MADEM, as well as his acolytes.

Sissoco Embaló is the privileged target of these attacks. “Doka International” claims that the president uses Foreign Minister Suzi Barbosa as “one of the people” to persecute him. He also affirms that Braima Camará is equally rebellious, after having understood that he was used by Sissoco Embaló in the war against Domingos Simões Pereira.

But these are not the only signs of possible differences. The so-called activists, young supporters of Sissoco Embaló and Braima Camará, very active in social networks, are currently in a violent virtual duel and public confrontation without respite through their pages. One block defends Umaro Sissoco Embaló and the other unfailingly supports Braima Camará.

The reasons for the crisis will be linked to an alleged resistance by Umaro Sissoco Embaló not to be treated or controlled by Braima Camará as would have happened with former president José Mário Mário Vaz (Jomav).

Umaro Sissoco Embaló does not want to be referred to in a similar way to what happened during the 2019 legislative campaign, in Braima Camará he said publicly in Canchungo (one of the sectors of Jomav’s native region) that it was he who pointed out José Mário Vaz to all people by this name.

Without forgetting this episode, Umaro Sissoco Embaló decided to resist these attempts, putting a brake on the leadership of the MADEM Coordinator.

The low visibility of Braima Camará is being seen by some as the “lack of recognition” of the important role and work he played in the legislative elections and particularly in the presidential ones. More discreetly, the dissonances between Umaro Sissoco Embaló and Braima Camará were accentuated during the celebration of Independence Day.

© e-Global News in Portuguese



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