What’s behind China’s harassment of Australia? See a soft target, an essential one

OPINION: As diplomatic fallout continues for the digitally altered war crimes tweet sent by Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Zhao Lijian earlier this week, it is important to note that this inflammatory and offensive post is not an isolated case.

Zhao and other Chinese officials and diplomats have carried out many outrageous attacks against Australia and the United States in recent years. Zhao himself was probably best known prior to this week’s tweet for his official promotion of a conspiracy theory that the US military was responsible for bringing the coronavirus to China.

Hu Xijin, editor-in-chief of the Global Times, an official newspaper of the Communist Party of China, is another vocal critic from Australia.

Four years ago, the newspaper ran a scathing editorial aimed at Australia after Canberra said China must abide by an international court ruling on the South China Sea. He called Australia a “paper cat” with an “inglorious” history and said: “If Australia enters the waters of the South China Sea, it will be an ideal target for China to warn and attack.”

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Why nationalism is such a powerful force in China

These unbridled attacks and repeated humiliations from Australia seem strange, but they are designed to suit a couple of specific purposes of the totalitarian regime in China: one domestic, the other global.

At the national level, this more aggressive stance toward the world, known as “wolf warrior diplomacy,” is a key function of President Xi Jinping’s dictatorship, which relies almost exclusively on Chinese nationalism cultivated by the Communist Party.

Like former leader Mao Zedong, Xi has consolidated his power, in part, due to the cult of personality that has developed around his rule. Xi’s image is everywhere in China and he has even promoted his own ideology called “Xi Jinping Thought” in a similar vein to “Mao Zedong Thought” (and his famous Little Red Book).

Mao’s power was based on the twin ideologies of communism and Chinese nationalism. Today, however, communism is a waning force in China.

And while Xi and his followers still use the ideals of Marxism and “Xi Jinping Thought” for political purposes, such as purging rivals and dissidents, they rely heavily on Chinese nationalism to maintain the legitimacy of their government in the public eye. .

Nationalism is a powerful force in China today. It shows in everything from Xi’s persistent calls for the “great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation” to Beijing’s increasingly strident anti-American and anti-foreign sentiments.

Xi came to the top with a mediocre career, but he has magically disguised himself as a strong man with great talent and unwavering will, an image that has become indispensable to the stability and cohesion of the regime.

To develop Xi’s strongman image and impose submission on the entire nation, the Communist Party’s propaganda machine has even taken up the titles used by Mao and other great dictators, such as “helmsman” and “leader of the people.” Loyalty to the country, to the party and to the leader has again become identical.

Still, there is growing resentment among some Chinese towards Xi’s government, and the country faces enormous political, economic and social challenges. As such, Xi lives with a deep sense of insecurity. And his arbitrary rule and desire for absolute control make everyone else feel insecure.

It is in this context that “wolf warrior diplomacy” has emerged. Those who are seen as tough against any actual or potential enemy designated by the great leader are rewarded for their loyalty.

That is why Zhao Lijian is not punished for his inflammatory rhetoric against Australia, the United States and other adversaries; rather, he has become a star because of it.

Beijing sees an essential and soft target

And on the world stage, China has long promoted its economic and political system as a legitimate alternative to the rule-based international order led by the United States.

As such, it has increasingly expanded its influence diplomatically and militarily in recent years and has established the Belt and Road Initiative to create a new global economic and infrastructure network with China at the center.

As part of this grand strategy, China has targeted countries like Australia that dare to challenge it to force its submission.

Australia is perceived by the Communist Party as an essential target for its close alliance with the United States and a soft target for its economic dependence on China. In short, Beijing can attack Canberra without suffering much repercussion and be an example to the rest of the world.

The party’s “wolf warriors” have made frequent references to Australia being nothing more than America’s pawn or lapdog, an obvious attempt to drive a wedge between the two countries.

With nearly half of all Australian goods exports now going to China, Beijing has also tried to use this economic dependency to its advantage to force Canberra to alter its tone and behavior.

Showing the determination of the Communist Party regime to control Australia, the Chinese embassy in Canberra last month handed over a dossier of “14 complaints” to various Australian media and demanded that the Morrison government revoke Australia’s position on key policies .

These included criticizing human rights abuses in Hong Kong and Xinjiang, calling for an independent investigation into the origins of Covid-19, and banning Huawei from the country’s 5G network.

The Communist Party State will not recognize how its quest for regional domination and expansionist policies threaten its neighbors, nor will it understand how its oppressive policies against its own citizens are a cause of legitimate concern to the world.

Nor will it accept the reality of a strong Australia fighting Chinese harassment and interference to safeguard its sovereignty, core values ​​and institutional integrity.

Beijing is showing its muscles to secure Australia’s submission and break an alliance between Australia and the United States based on national interests and shared values. But this is a big miscalculation that will probably bring the opposite result.

Chongyi Feng is Associate Professor of China Studies at the Sydney University of Technology

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.