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Mana Nistani – Iran
There are parties that demand to ignore it, change it and replace it with a new contract, through a founding conference whose time has not yet come, and the conditions for its success have not matured. The dialogue on this is usually carried out in general and in general terms, without specifying the paragraphs in dispute. For the benefit, we recall the articles that have not yet been fully implemented, and are the following in sequence, as they appeared in the original text:
1- About the reform:
The balanced development of the regions, culturally, socially and economically, is a fundamental pillar of the unity of the State and the stability of the system.
Working to achieve comprehensive social justice through financial, economic and social reforms.
The electoral district is the governorate.
With the election of the first House of Representatives at the national, non-sectarian level, a Senate will be created in which all spiritual families will be represented and its powers will be limited to crucial issues.
2- Abolition of political sectarianism:
The abolition of political sectarianism is a fundamental national goal, which requires working to achieve it according to a phased plan, and the House of Representatives, elected on the basis of equality between Muslims and Christians, must take appropriate measures to achieve this. objective, and form a national body headed by the President of the Republic, which also includes the President of Parliament and the Prime Minister. , Political, intellectual and social personalities. The commission’s task is to study and suggest ways to eliminate sectarianism, present them to Parliament and the Cabinet, and follow up on the implementation of the interim plan.
During the transition phase, the following will be accomplished:
Abolish the rule of sectarian representation, and adopt competence and competence in public offices, the judiciary, military and security institutions, public and mixed institutions, and independent interests, in accordance with the requirements of national reconciliation, with Except for the jobs of the first category in it, and in the equivalent of the first category in it, and these jobs are the same between Christians and Muslims without assigning any A job for any denomination.
3- Administrative decentralization:
Expand the powers of governors and qaimaqamas and represent all state administrations in administrative regions at the highest possible level, in order to facilitate service to citizens and meet their needs at the local level.
Adopt expanded administrative decentralization to the level of the smallest administrative units (the qada’a and below), by electing a council for each district headed by the district office, in order to ensure local participation.
Adopt a unified and comprehensive development plan for the country capable of developing and developing the Lebanese regions economically and socially, and enhancing the resources of the municipalities, unified municipalities and municipal unions with the necessary financial capacities.
4- Law of parliamentary elections:
Parliamentary elections are held in accordance with a new electoral law based on governance, which takes into account the rules that guarantee coexistence among Lebanese, and ensures the correctness of the political representation of various groups and generations of people and the effectiveness of that representation, after reviewing the administrative division within the framework of the unit of land, people and institutions.
5- Education
Reform formal, vocational and technical education, strengthen and develop it to satisfy and adapt to the development and construction needs of the country. And reform the conditions of the Lebanese University and give it support, especially in its applied faculties.
Reconsider and develop curricula in a way that enhances national belonging and fusion, spiritual and cultural openness, and unifies the book in the subjects of history and national education.
6- Lebanese-Syrian relations:
Lebanon, which is Arab in belonging and identity, is bound by sincere fraternal relations with all Arab countries, and between it and Syria different relations derive their strength from the roots of kinship, history and common fraternal interests, which is a concept on which coordination and cooperation between the two countries is based, and agreements between them will materialize in various fields. In the interest of the two sister countries, within the framework of the sovereignty and independence of each of them. Based on that, and because the establishment of security rules provides the necessary climate for the development of these different ties, it requires that Lebanon not be a threat to the security of Syria, and Syria to the security of Lebanon, in any case. Therefore, Lebanon does not allow it to be a corridor or a base for any force, state or organization that seeks to undermine its security or the security of Syria. Syria, which is interested in the security, independence, unity and harmony of Lebanon for its people, does not allow any action that threatens its security, independence and sovereignty.
Taif today
With a quick review of these provisions, it is clear to us that some of them have not been implemented and others are outdated and no longer valid, especially after the departure of the Syrian army from Lebanon, and what we are witnessing from the drastic changes in the region. Among the most prominent contradictions that we are witnessing these days in the disjointed Lebanese political scene, that some forces declare their commitment and adherence to the Taif Agreement, and at the same time affirm that “any thought about the development of the constitution or moving towards a new formula is totally rejected under the shadow of Hezbollah’s dominance of weapons ». However, these same forces raise questions of neutrality and rotation, which contradict the “Taif Agreement” and do not dare to propose its modification.
First, neutrality contradicts the Lebanese constitution in force so far, which is based on the “Taif Agreement”, which says about the relations between Lebanon and Syria, as “distinctive and deriving its strength from the roots of kinship, the history and common fraternal interests. ” With the knowledge that this team is practicing the opposite, and is working on distancing and hostility with Syria. Therefore, adopting a neutrality policy requires, first of all, modifying the constitution and changing the “Taif Agreement”, otherwise changing the concept of neutrality to correspond to the content of “Taif” and the constitution, and the resulting establishment of a Syrian-Lebanese Supreme Council and implementing treaties.
Second, part of this group adheres to deliberation in government selectively, but does not implement what is stipulated in the Taif Agreement, in terms of which it is stated that the works of the first category are distributed “equally between Christians and Muslims without assigning any work to any sect. ” This clause does not apply, because some sects have monopolized basic functions for a long time and never adopt rotation. Therefore, to confront the contradictions of the standards and the discretion of implementation, as well as the existential challenges that threaten Lebanon and reshape its future, will the Lebanese consensus be achieved again to implement the Taif Agreement in its entirety, without selectivity or haggling? Or is it agreed on a roadmap to avoid it? Who is the body, or bodies, that will take care of it? Introduction In all cases, the political class committed to the “Taif Agreement” agrees to hold a serious national conference to agree on the implementation of the “Taif Agreement”, whose provisional work program will be at least the following:
– Unification of the reading of the “Taif Agreement” among the various divergent interpretations.
Explanation of its clauses to avoid contradictory interpretations.
Establish a mechanism for its implementation with a timetable for its full implementation.
Establish the necessary adjustments based on experience and modernization and development needs.
In conclusion, is the “Taif Agreement” still the solution, or is it the problem at a time when it is difficult to produce a new agreement and a new agreement, because Lebanese and regional conditions are not yet conducive to change?
* Lebanese writer and editor
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