“The King’s Office”: Abdullah Strengthens in Crisis



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Oman | Many questions are being asked about the new Jordanian government which, since the days of the constitutional oath headed by the former adviser to the king, Bishr Al-Khasawneh, who arrived with a variety of 31 ministers, in which it retained eight from the government of his successor, Omar Al-Razzaz, especially the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ayman Safadi. The latter continues his well-known role with the king in the formation of the Kingdom’s “diplomatic duo” in a difficult political and economic stage marked by the tightening of the screws in Amman. In addition to Al-Khasawneh, the Minister of Finance (from the previous government) also came from the royal court, as he was the economic adviser to the king, as well as the Minister of Energy who witnessed the start of the Israeli gas pumping to Jordan and the import of Iraqi oil.

Thus, Abdullah strengthens his government team, expanding the circle of diplomatic action to the prime minister, who has been absent in the last two years from foreign policy, although at the same time he is in charge of the Ministry of Defense. It is an absence that was only due to the decision of the king himself, who this time found the need for greater support from a broader group in which the government participates. Al-Khasawneh has a rich curriculum vitae in the diplomatic field, especially since he graduated from the “Ministry of Foreign Affairs” and served as ambassador to countries, particularly France, Egypt and African countries. He also worked as coordinating director of “peace negotiations” at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2006-2007), before becoming a permanent representative of Jordan. At UNESCO until transfer to the office. In addition to him, the new government included other diplomatic figures, including Ali Al-Ayed, who was appointed as its spokesperson, and noted that he held the position of Jordanian ambassador in Tel Aviv (2006-2010), as well as he was the embassy charge d’affaires prior to that during the period when Amman withdrew its ambassador following the outbreak of the Al-Aqsa Intifada. In addition to his membership in the Jordanian delegation to negotiate with Israel.

With the departure of Al-Khasawneh from the presidency of the king’s office, the first district of the office will be reorganized

At first glance, this government comes to administer the electoral file that is scheduled for the first third of next month, and entails the immediate resignation of the government in accordance with the provisions of the constitution. But under the current mix, and absent any indication of the maturity of the king’s idea of ​​forming parliamentary governments, Al-Khasawneh is likely to be reassigned to a later stage, especially as regional archives are looming on the agenda of the palace, strongly influencing the kingdom, which was established a hundred years ago with the establishment of the eastern emirate. (1921) at the hands of the Hashemites, which in turn affects internal health and the economic crisis. Domestic issues are not prioritized at present compared to Jordanian concerns about the post-Gulf opening to Israel and the stage of formulating new alliances with neighboring countries, especially Iraq and Egypt, in which Al-Khasawneh has experience. All this means that the short-term government represents a new maneuver that the king wants with his close staff, but in an executive form that gives him flexibility in movement and vitality to export new decisions presented by the government and ratified by Parliament, whose main characteristic will be the clan, especially with the support of the deep state for new candidates who have no experience. Political, which means the prior emptying of the legislative and oversight function, as well as legitimizing elections in which all opposition parties participate through different lists. It is likely that some opposition figures will come to Parliament to beautify the democratic image, considering that the great rush to nominate accompanied him on the street, which is trying to restore the deteriorating economic situation.
Notably, the media highlighted the appearance of Al-Khasawneh in the WikiLeaks documents. In one of the documents dating from 2009, he was quoted as saying that Jordanians “see themselves as real” when it comes to the “right of return”, and realize that there is no “collective return to the Palestinian state. “As such a decision would change the Jordanian social mix This is in line with Jordan’s expectation to consult with him on the issue of compensation to refugees, as the Kingdom does not expect compensation for refugees in exchange for a return waiver, but also some kind of compensation for the economic and social impact of the refugees from 1948 to the present. This view, which Al-Khasawneh described as realistic, appears to be necessary to understand the nature of the relationship with Israel and the Palestinians, on the one hand, and the role that the kingdom will play after losing the “uniqueness” by being a alternative channel with Tel Aviv.
On the other hand, and with the departure of Al-Khasawneh from the presidency of the king’s office, the first department of the office will be reorganized with the vacancy of his position, especially in light of the recent disappearance of the former head of the office of the king, Manar al-Dabbas, who is one of the figures far from the media appearance, but is among those who accompanied Abdullah since the beginning of the crisis. He also served as executive director in the office of Saudi Prince Turki bin Talal between 2006 and 2010, before heading the office of Crown Prince of Jordan Hussein, and is also one of the well-known faces who worked at the Jordanian embassy in Washington at the beginning of Abdullah’s government.

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