The continuation of a mutual finger, a reform government or a post-term government?



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Nicolas Nassif wrote in “Al-Akhbar”: The more the formation of the government is delayed, the more it moves away from being an “important government” as the French initiative wants, and it has moved away from being a government of six months that nobody knows when it is formed to start this before a long time expires. For a government of specialists with a non-specialized head.

The more common the approaching understanding and agreement on the formation of the government and its date, the greater the conditions for it and the more difficult to achieve. In the simplest terms, every government is an important government and nothing more, because it is its own function, and the justification for its formation, provided that it represents a procedural authority that requires it to function. Likewise, no one can determine a specific period with which the life and role of a government will end unless there are two direct natural reasons for resigning: the resignation of its president or the restriction of its mission to the holding of general parliamentary elections, after which he becomes the renounced ruler. As for the great catastrophe, it behooves a government of specialists to be headed by a non-specialist first, with no known achievement second. Before the current term, Prime Minister Saad Hariri was tried in three governments that ended in disappointment. Each of them is guaranteed not to repeat the experience and the man:

In the first year of 2009, he exploded when his ministers were overthrown by opponents from within, after his participation in meetings was cut off. Its president was the first to take responsibility for this breach when he granted his opponents a constitutional procedural power parallel to his authority, which is codified constitutionality, granting them a prescribed quorum that allows their removal. And they did. That was the price for his arrival at Saraya, despite being the leader of the parliamentary majority.

Again in 2016, he still bears the curse of the presidential arrangement and everything that follows from it, starting with the allocation of administrative, diplomatic and judicial appointments, the distribution of corruption and control of capacities and the looting of public money, passing for the renewal of the mandate of the Governor of the Banque du Liban and the financial engineering that he carried out and first removed the prime minister’s bank from the base. He provided him with money to save him, forcing him to pump similar huge sums to other banks, going to pass the series of ranks and salaries to bribe voters. So the 2016 government bears the biggest responsibility for the monetary and economic collapse..

In the third year of 2019, the popular movement overthrew him while his president argued that he had accepted their will, and then began searching for a savior. In the last commission of the man, there is nothing to believe that he has become more mature, more specialized in saving everything that has collapsed, and that he does not seem to get rid of the political class, which remains one of its heads. Between his first and last governments, he lost the enormous political and financial empire that his late father had inherited from him, and the father himself brought him to the position of prime minister. The successor son wasted his most important treasure and source, which is his Saudi back. So the return to Saraya represents only hopes of survival. The man who wasted the economy of successful, well-run companies wants to save the economy of one already on the brink of collapse..

The ongoing consultations to form the government, in public and in secret, are but a continuation of a mutual bite: between Hariri and the President of the Republic Michel Aoun, and between him and Hezbollah, and between him and the leader of the Free Patriotic Movement, MP Gebran Bassil. Each of these three parts has a different approach to authorship than the designated one. Nobody gives up on their conditions that are renewed day after day. Hariri is not in the process of apologizing, and has only just returned to the forefront of the event after his atrophy. Neither the President of the Republic, in turn, is willing to accept politically the repercussions of the recent United States sanctions on Bassil, nor to give up his constitutional powers to sign a government decree that will subtract from the fifth year of his mandate all what you have acquired since the first year. Hezbollah is not in the process of agreeing to exclude it from participating in the government and its insistence on appointing its ministers, adding its solidarity with Bassil with all the conditions that this entails, so that it is not concluded that it is in breach of the effects of the US sanctions.

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