Silence on the “Battle of Al-Haboubi”: an implicit recommendation for the “Sadrists”?

Baghdad | Until last night, the “Emergency Crisis Committee”, formed by Prime Minister Mustafa Al-Kazemi, and charged with restoring security and stability in the Dhi Qar governorate, had not lifted the state of emergency of the Nasiriyah city. At the same time, most of the political parties and forces have remained silent, avoiding any statement or comment on the events of the “Al-Haboubi Square”, the night from Friday to Saturday. The silence, apparently, is due to avoid entering into any discussion with the leader of the “Sadrist movement”, Muqtada al-Sadr, after the latter’s supporters clashed with “yesterday’s comrades”, that is, the protesters. “legislative”. As for the second reason for this silence, it is the implicit desire of the majority of the parties, particularly the Islamic ones, to “uproot” those protesters who, in recent months, have formed a “dagger in their side”, it is that is, in areas that for them are considered arena of influence. However, these forces, who spoke of the protesters receiving external support and funding and executing foreign agendas, preferred to avoid any confrontation with them (to avoid, for example, the scene of the assassination of the leader of the “Asaib Ahl al-Haq Movement” and Wissam Al-Olaywi at the end of October 2019). To “eat” the street itself. This preponderance today turns out to be correct, since the Sadr supporters who formed the mainstay of the protesters returned and turned against their comrades under various pretexts, among which the outbreak of “obscenities” among the “technicians” stands out, pointing out that the Street appearances remain the same since last October. The difference is that the slogans of the day were mainly directed against Al-Sadr’s rivals and opponents.

Perhaps al-Sadr understands silence as a green light so that he can continue his “campaign.”

Regarding the religious authority, Ali al-Sistani did not comment on what happened, pointing out that since the beginning of the movement last year he called on the security forces to protect the “peaceful” protesters, calling on the street at the same time. , to “purify oneself” from “spoilers”. Attacks on public and private property. Although on more than one occasion the refusal of the “Haboubi” protesters to comply with the instructions of the reference was registered, the recent silence today does not seem surprising for two reasons: the first is the shame of their position in the defense of a segment that did not abide by its directives, and the second prevents it from also entering into any confrontation with Al-Sadr, who raised the slogan of “protect the reference AND abide by its directives in his latest” approach “against the” Haboubi “protesters. Consequently, the lesser of two evils for Najaf is silence and waiting for government action to control the security scene without restrictions. However, the government, led by Al-Kazimi, seemed unable to take a tough stance, to the point of accusing it of moving it while waiting for the “signal” from Al-Sadr. This is rejected by Al-Kazemi circles, who lament “leaving the prime minister alone in the face of a tide that is eating away what remains of the state and its institutions.”
This fluctuation of attitudes can be understood by al-Sadr as a green light to continue with his “campaign”, which was inspired by his statement issued yesterday, in which he predicted that the man seeks to enshrine the saying: “The stadium is mine and I am the one who draws the limits of the game ”. Faced with “corruption and the corrupt,” excluding himself from the ruling system for 17 years. He also established himself as an agent and protector of the state and customs, and at the same time a fighter against parties, forces and corruption. All this at a time when his supporters are asking for active participation in the early elections scheduled for June this year, implying that the position of prime minister will be on his side this time, and this opens the door to many questions, starting with the question about the first beneficiary of “The Tishreen Movement”, and not the end of what the electoral law marked, including a map of the distribution of seats and alliances.

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