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Trump is the fourth president since World War II to lose his re-election, but this did not prevent him from imposing his options on Republicans, until they were inevitably faced with the inevitability of continuing to embrace him, or risk alienating his large base of support. Many concerns occupy their minds, stemming from their impact on Georgia’s congressional by-elections scheduled for January, and may not end with the pressing question: Did his promotion constitute a significant change in party orientation and, if so, would the change be temporary or permanent? ? The answer will not be conclusive, at least in the short term, but you can find some of its elements in an extensive report that Nicholas Lehmann gave in the magazine “The New Yorker”, about a month ago. Many historical aspects touched by the author, starting from World War II, going through the presidencies of Ronald Reagan and George Bush, and even the presidency of Donald Trump. Three presidencies were characterized by a kind of populism, but with different styles and goals.
But among these three presidencies, Trump appears as the most outstanding and exceptional, insofar as he put on the track what is called “Trumpism”, which combined many conditions for his birth, and may be a reason for its continuation. The axiom Lyman refers to is what has characterized the last decade around the world in the chain reaction of economic insecurity and equality. Responses expressed in the form of nationalist movements that sufficiently destabilized the limits of traditional politics. In fact, because of these responses, no ambitious Republican can now ignore “Trumpism,” and neither can any ambitious Democrat, especially as this party has failed to address the deep economic discontent in his country. In the end, “the bipartisan component that did not satisfy the insecurity of many Americans – created the opportunity for the politics of exclusion. It is not Trump. It’s an opportunity that Trump has seized, ”says Lisa McGuire, a Harvard historian.
Trump is such an alien figure in the political milieu that it is difficult to replicate as a model
Many factors have also been combined in favor of Donald Trump, which can be summarized according to the report of ‘The New Yorker’ in three: The first is an inherent and important isolationist element that has always been in the Republican Party, and that was restricted through the “merger” and the grand deal between him and the business establishment. Party affiliates, until it appeared, for a long time, as a relatively pragmatic political alliance. And second, evangelical groups that, in the late 1970s, became strongly political, fueled by contributions from church leaders and wealthy political donors. The third is that the threat of communism faded with the end of the Cold War, increasing inequality and globalization, a factor that many voters of both parties feel left out. One of its consequences was the sudden appearance of the conservative “Tea Party”, after the financial crisis of 2008 and the inauguration of Barack Obama, before Donald Trump arrived on the political stage, which leads to reflect the hopes of many . In conclusion, “in American politics, in particular, white nationalism and racism tend to appear alongside economic hardship,” according to Lyman. Trump understood this reality and touched his strings, while none of his Republican opponents realized it in 2016, especially since they lived in a world created by the Republican donor class.
In 2020, things are different for many of Trump’s allies and opponents. This person may be unpopular with Republican rulers, who opposed his candidacy, but have become rational enough not to stand up to him. In short, it is extraordinarily popular with Republican voters and so vindictive that stirring it risks political death. Jeff Sessions proved this firsthand during his campaign for the Republican Senate nomination in Alabama earlier this year. The latter had a long and successful history of state and Senate politics, as well as a record of similar views to Trump’s on immigration. However, he angered his boss when he, as justice minister, resigned any investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 elections, leading to the appointment of Robert Mueller as special adviser. For several months, Trump taunted him relentlessly and attacked him on Twitter before his firing in November 2018. This year, Trump backed Sessions’s Republican opponent, Tommy Tobruville, the former soccer coach who ran for the first time. for political office. He wrote on Twitter that Toberville was a “true leader.” As a result, Sessions lost the primaries and Toberville won the last election. Another example is Senator Lindsey Graham, who declared during the 2016 primary season that Trump “was not fit to be president of the United States.” The latter quickly became one of his most loyal loyalists, hoping to win the president’s support for his re-election to the Senate in 2020, which he did.
It is not over with Trump’s defeat. A few days ago, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell became the highest-ranking Republican candidate in Congress to rally support for the outgoing president’s efforts, but this time to challenge the election results and override. Joe Biden’s victory. According to CNN, McConnell’s support for Trump came after a multi-day lobbying campaign by the latter and his closest allies, who urged Republicans in Congress to back up his claims that the election was rigged. It is enough that Trump feels that McConnell and others have abandoned him to act in his support. He not only criticized Republican allies, but also hinted at the idea of not helping Republicans in the second round of the Georgia election, which would decide which party controls the Senate, a person told CNN. In other words, Trump used the language of blackmail to pressure Republicans to express an opinion they might disagree with. While McConnell’s speech did not go so far as to back up his claims, it was a tacit recognition of Trump’s influence over the party.
Donald Trump is so alien to the political center that it is difficult to replicate him as a model for the Republican Party. Since it has become clear that his influence will not end once he leaves the White House, questions now arise about where the Republican Party will go. It seems tempting to many to think that when Trump leaves, everything he represents will go with him. But this belief is nothing more than wishful thinking, especially since many elements of “Trumpism” will remain in place for a long time.
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