Money bag or polite apology



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The Shiite duo no longer address the money bag dispute as a partial and passing problem in government formation, similar to what was happening in previous governments for some time, and then the debate recedes. Taking him away, according to him, has become more than just sharing quotas and distributing bags to large blocks and parties, and closer to a political project in which local parties and states participate. Therefore, it considers facing the project, even if it is in portfolio as a model tool, in defense of an entity and political existence.

The project aims to completely remove Hezbollah from executive power, stripping him as a Shiite duo with concerned President Nabih Berri from this portfolio, and forcing him to lose his role in appointing his ministers by letting others Local forces confronted by President-designate Mustafa Adeeb appoint him Shiite ministers in other portfolios.
What is being asked takes him back for the first time to before 2005, when he first entered the procedural authority in the government of President Naguib Mikati with a non-partisan minister, Tarad Hamadeh, then brought the party to the resignation of Hamadeh – an active second minister of the party in the next government headed by President Fouad. Siniora the same year is Mohamed Fneish. Since then it has become the center of the formation of successive governments. He shares the Shiite part between him and Berri, who holds the majority, and has maintained since 2008 the quorum described in successive governments. In the government of President Hassan Diab in 2020, my party was not used by all other parties to him, but he was granted, as president of the Council, the right to appoint the minister in the bag that was assigned to him. What the Shiite duo are called upon today is to deny them the nomination of their ministers in the Adib government, in a further step along the way to remove him completely from government. From there, he spoke of a political project that goes beyond the money bag.
What the following data has become for the Shiite duo:
1 – It continues to support the French initiative, and does not seek to quarrel with the French. He is surprised that Paris is dealing with him realistically, albeit without fully understanding his point of view, much more so than Lebanese parties like President Saad Hariri. His continued support for the French initiative and not against it, made him absorb the first wave of what he considered an assault against him, which was the insistence on losing his money portfolio and preventing him from electing his ministers. The first wave led to three consecutive declines in a week, which is this week: Paris pulled out of the 15-day deadline that ended on Tuesday, then extended to Thursday, and then extended through tomorrow Sunday and may also extend further. The President of the Republic, Michel Aoun, withdrew from signing Adeeb’s draft last Wednesday after he was rumored to support him in everything he did. Adeeb twice retracted presenting his cabinet draft and also twice retracted his apology for not forming a government.
2 – The Shiite duo had no explanation for Hariri’s coup against them, surprisingly, and it seemed that they were taking more French initiative than they required, and wanted to implicate the two in a problem with President Emmanuel Macron. In his meeting with Hariri last Saturday, Berri asked him: If you were prime minister, wouldn’t you appoint your ministers while we would appoint our ministers?
He also asked him: How do you accept that I appoint your ministers and not allow others to appoint your ministers?
The head of the council gave him two lists in a row, each of the five possible names for the minister on the money bag, so he rejected them and insisted that the name not be issued by the Shiite duo. The most important thing is that the Ministry of Finance does not have the origin of the problem.
It is not unknown to both that the real negotiator is Hariri, and not Adeeb, who vaguely revealed from his consultations with the blocs, that he does not have clear ideas except that he wants to form a government of specialists in understanding with the French. Later, the idea of ​​toggling between bags appeared to the public, which meant that the couple only targeted him to snatch the bag of money.

Absorb the first wave of confrontation after 3 setbacks

It knows fully – for the documentary reasons with which it is armed and which raises doubts and controversy – that none of the other three sovereign portfolios is unable to obtain them for different reasons. Doctrinal, regional and international overlap in them: neither the defense related to the continuation of US military aid to the army, nor the exterior doors closed without it to the outside, nor The interior is the closest to a Sunni protectorate, where dozens of services Arab, European and American military intelligence officers overlap in the Information Branch, funding and exchanging information, and their former ministers Ziad Baroud and Marwan Charbel may have discovered the impossibility of the branch’s leadership, as Nihad al-Machnouk discovered its ease as Sunni. In the past, before the US sanctions against Hezbollah and the intensification of the persecution by the Americans to dry their money, a Shiite minister at the heart of the duo, like Ghazi Zuaiter, occupied the Ministry of Defense in 1998, and four Shiite ministers appointed by Berri Foreign Affairs as Mahmoud Hammoud, Fawzi Salloukh, Ali Al-Shami and Ali Al-Shami. And in 2014, the exterior doors weren’t always open for them.
3- The Shiite duo raised the confrontation of insisting on the money bag -which has become fixed and definitive for him- to a problem related to the fate of the entire government: it sees the light with its participation, or the designated president will to apologize. The government has become a fait accompli of the past and consequently Adeeb has but one understanding to split the money bag for the two with less damage. What is also true for both sides is that the president of the republic will not be about to turn against his ally after he sent him a positive signal: rotate with the agreement of all parties. However, the two refused to link the divestment of the stock market to Hariri’s excuse, which is that rotating from it allows structural reforms in the economy that the French initiative insists on. Therefore, the rotation seems to be a French condition that Hariri flaunts.
Completing this pretext is that the Free Patriotic Movement does not claim the energy and external portfolios, the Future Movement does not claim the internal and communications portfolios, nor does the President of the Republic share his part, much less the Defense portfolio. The Shiite duo does not deny corruption, which is not small, and puts its weight in the Ministry of Finance as a state fund and waste gutter, but the tarnished reputation of the bag dates back to 1992 to 1998, when in reality it was in the custody of Minister Fouad Siniora, and nominally Prime Minister Rafic Hariri with the start of the debt accountant. The accumulation of debts and the misappropriation of public funds, then between 2000 and 2004, until its last period between 2005 and 2008, despite the presence of a Maronite at the fore, the Azour Jihad. There is no portfolio in which there is no corruption when the causes of the collapse of the economy and the national currency are discovered, and it is confirmed that those who succeed in it are the same blocks.
4- The Shiite duo came to the conclusion that they face a closed game of options: either they are outside the government – which is the US side of the French initiative, they believe – or they bear the burden of hindering the formation of the government , and consequently harsh penalties.
The bet by Hariri and the team around him, especially the former heads of government, is that the weakest link in this confrontation is that it is at the core of the American banking system, unlike Hezbollah, which was eliminated or forced to. get out of it, so that your money remained in its own place. The first negative signs of a direct threat to the council president were the sanctions imposed on September 8 on the former minister, Ali Hassan Khalil, as his first aide. The similar sanctions in the same package against the former minister, Yusef Fenianos, were not a threatening message for the leader of the Marada Movement, Suleiman Franjieh, even if it did reach it, its significant splash was dispersed, as much as for Hezbollah, given the political roles and security that Fenianos plays in it as with Syria. The sanctions against Fenians did not resonate as they did with Khalil, as long as they intended to point Berri in more than one direction. However, he decided to face it.

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