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When eating a creamy dish, it is always advisable to drink some drinks that can help digest the weight of that dish. This is what Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei did in his speech to the family of former Quds Force commander Qassem Soleimani. Last Wednesday, Khamenei presented it to the negotiating table, believing that if there is an opportunity to lift the sanctions, then it is not necessary to delay an hour to take advantage of them.
Given the weight of this position, and the Iranian will to negotiate “in a logical way that preserves the sovereignty and rights of Iran,” as the guide said, it was necessary to merge the position with another “resistance.” After explaining the need not to delay work to lift the sanctions, Khamenei called on Iranian officials to focus on thwarting US sanctions on his country before concentrating on lifting them.
Thus, Khamenei announced, albeit indirectly, Iran’s willingness to negotiate, throwing the ball into the stadium of the new White House resident, who will enter his Oval Office on January 20. This coincided with statements by government officials, led by President Hassan Rouhani, that Tehran was ready to return to its commitments to the nuclear deal if Washington did.
Faced with Rouhani and his reformist figures who are willing to open the door to negotiations with the West, the fundamentalists in Iran are an obstacle to the government’s efforts. They, who are in control of the Iranian parliament after parliamentary elections earlier this year, which witnessed low turnout, are trying to curb Rouhani’s negotiating efforts. These efforts are not, in all probability, a “principled” objective that rejects the United States, rather they are electoral objectives, with the next presidential elections in the country in June.
Fundamentalists are trying to postpone a return to the nuclear deal, to prevent Rouhani, and the reformists behind him, from having the advantage of returning to this deal, and the economic “goodness” that will accompany it, in the face of the current bad situation. The fundamentalist parliament is working these days to fight against the government, either by approving the budget project on the one hand, or by approving the law “The Strategic Plan to Lift Sanctions.”
The “strategic plan to lift sanctions” obliges the government to raise the level of enrichment at nuclear facilities and increase the number of sophisticated centrifuges, should the parties to the Iranian nuclear deal fail to fulfill their obligations. Rouhani did not assimilate this plan and frankly declared, at a press conference, its insignificance, stressing that “the government will implement this law in accordance with its interpretation of the concept of lifting sanctions.”
On the other hand, the position of the Guardian Council was also prominent here, after it amended the clause for the return of the signatories of the agreement and gave them a period of two months (during this period, Biden would have received his new administration) in place of the period of one month given by Parliament.
Positive messages sent by Iran to Washington, with some red lines: No damage to the Iranian missile program, no interference in Iran’s regional activities, and here is the problem. The new president had previously announced that he aspires to implement a new and broader agreement with Iran “to ensure the stability of the Middle East.” If Iran agreed to this, it would have accepted it with the presence of Donald Trump, who had the same conditions regarding the missile program and regional activity.
The assassination of nuclear scientist Mohsen Fakhrizadeh did not break the negotiations between Iran and the United States. The strategic patience adopted by Tehran, and its constant reminder that its response will be at the appropriate time and place, without giving Israel an excuse to open a future war, Biden gave new signals: Iran will not take a negative or positive step, until that the Democratic president starts a movement of good intentions towards Tehran. .
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