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Ramy Al Rayes wrote in Asharq Al-Awsat:
There is more and more talk in Lebanon of a radical change in the political formula in terms of reconstituting it according to new foundations and data under the pretext that the current formula has fallen and has not achieved what is required at the popular level, if the aspect of the statehood project or the provision of basic minimum rights for citizens living in this stage is more severe. An economic and social crisis since the independence of Lebanon in 1943 due to the unprecedented accumulation of corruption and the preservation of vital archives without solutions, thus losing confidence in the entire Lebanese political and organizational structure.
The agreement that governs constitutional and political life in Lebanon is the Taif Agreement, which was approved by an international and Arab effort led by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in understanding with the United States and Syria, in 1989 and introduced a set of basic reforms. on the nature of the Lebanese composition and the bases for the distribution of powers in the constitutional institutions. In the cabinet, as a group, it was later largely in the hands of the president of the republic. The concept of “governments of national unity” was enshrined in practice after the approval of the agreement, with the encouragement of the Syrian tutelage that sponsored these expanded government formations, through which they were able to minister to their officials and accountants and elevate to report writers to senior ministerial ranks.
The argument for this was that in the postwar period, it is necessary to involve the largest possible segment of political forces in the executive branch, but practice did not accurately reflect this slogan, since in the first postwar elections in 1992 , a wide boycott was carried out, especially of Christian Forces and a limited number of Islamic parties, as a result of which governments came to reflect an incomplete approach to internal painting. The Syrian tutelage benefited from this province to fill the void of those who were counted in it.
The important thing is that the adherence of all the parties to the executive power emptied the democratic game of its content and overthrew the opposition and loyalty movement. The parliamentary blocs became represented in the government and the mechanisms of accountability and accountability were weakened, which is one of the most prominent and influential functions of the legislative power to help the regularity and effectiveness of democratic life.
However, political misconduct was not limited to this aspect of constitutional life. The Constitutional Council, which was established in the early 1990s, did not have the power to interpret the constitution and laws, and its powers were limited to resolving appeals arising from presidential and parliamentary elections and reviewing the constitutionality of laws. Even the latter does not have automatic validity, but is linked to the losing candidate filing an appeal against the corresponding electoral district. As for the other planned reforms that would bring about a qualitative change in the nature of national and political life, their implementation was postponed, or even suspended, in order to preserve the achievements that the current political system offers to various actors, with sectarian and confessional forces at the fore.
Every time that certain forces proposed the abolition of political sectarianism, other powers confronted them with the proposal of comprehensive secularism, which led to the breakdown of this and that proposal, and this is what is practically required, that is, to maintain the system of sectarian, sectarian and clientelist quotas that hinder the development of the idea of citizenship and its basic concept in terms of affirmation of equality. Maintain the sect as a mandatory step from the citizen to the state, and not discriminate between them according to their affiliation.
Therefore, in theory, the discourse on the inadequacy of the Taif Agreement to establish the desired state lacks the indication that the terms of the agreement have not been fully implemented, especially the reform clauses thereof, which are of great importance because they will rebuild the state according to the principles of justice and equality. Of course, it is not intended to blindly defend this agreement, as in the end there are no covenants and sacred texts in politics because it is related to the time of your birth and the circumstances that follow. Internal affairs and the roles of external forces that affect the internal sphere and their objectives in successive periods.
The current imbalance in the Lebanese balance of forces is not linked to the Taif Agreement or the discretion to implement it, but is related to the transformations in the region and the withdrawal of actors in exchange for the progress of others. It is very regrettable that the assessment of the internal Lebanese situation is based mainly on external and regional standards, but this has always been the case not only in Lebanon but also in all weak states whose governments suffer fierce external interference. The most complex element is that these interventions are carried out through local arms that are linked to external agendas and execute their policies without taking into account the local conditions of their countries. Look also at Iraq!
But far from all components of the constitutional and theoretical approaches, the question remains: To what extent can Lebanon be confident of changing the current political formula in light of the imbalance of local forces and thus producing a new political and social contract? that reflects the true desire of the various components of Lebanese society? Isn’t the renewed and growing demand for federalism and division really worrying? Isn’t it a way of going back to the sectarian and confessional cantons and ghettos and their final dedication? Do not all the external forces that have always possessed a historical hatred against Lebanon, with its diversity, pluralism and democracy (due to its fragility) benefit from this proposal then?
The successive calls for the establishment of a new founding conference in light of the acute internal division and the more intense regional conflict, raise serious concerns about what will be planned for Lebanon in the next stage, after the plan to implement its political and economic articulations will reach advanced stages. Lebanon where to? Where? The question, unfortunately, is answered by players from outside the region, because the home players have their priorities elsewhere!
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