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Nicolas Nassif wrote in “Al-Akhbar”:
When silence is useless, it ceases to be a meaningful weapon. What is often intended is to hide the progress that needs the most to complete and be careful not to sabotage it, or not at all, as if the attempt is still at zero point. This is the contradictory double impression on the government formation stages between the Baabda Palace and Bayt Al Wasat.
In contrast to what accompanied the formation of the government in the last decade and a half, there were few meetings between the designated president and the president of the Republic, and a large number of them with the main partner blocs implicit in the authorship efforts. reaching its final stage. What is happening now is the opposite: four meetings between the two presidents in a week without revealing the extent of the progress they have made, while there is no public mention, at best, of the contact of Prime Minister-designate Saad Hariri. with none of the relevant blocks. At the same time, speculation and preferences abound, without any serious support. Naively, some interpreted the secret as restoring the confinement of authorship to the two presidents only, in accordance with their constitutional powers, while others included it, to some extent, in the sense that the rest of the composition in which it is He got the base before assignment no longer needed just the two presidents.
Information released about this ambiguity and contradictory information from outside the circle of the two presidents:
The first is the lack of final understanding between Hariri and President Michel Aoun regarding the number of ministers. The first insists on 18 ministers, so the Druze representation is limited to one seat in which the person delegated by the former deputy Walid Jumblatt will be appointed, while the second adheres to the government of the Twenty so that the Druze have two seats, one for Jumblatt and the other, Aoun for MP Talal Arslan promised to deliver him, and if the media were told the promise Sleep on silk this promise. The importance of the portfolio does not lie in the importance it has as its objective, which is the presence of a second Druze partner, the confirmation of its representative presence in the cabinet and the regulation of the balance of power within it.
The names of the specialists are no longer very important here, since the principle in the negotiation is the distribution of portfolios to the blocks that appoint their ministers. The distribution of bags to the sects is also insignificant, with the exception of the exception of the money bag, because the blocks approach their actions as representatives of their sects.
Second, although communication is known to be completely cut off between Hariri and the leader of the Free Patriotic Movement, MP Gebran Bassil, directly or through intermediaries, maintaining confusion over Christian participation reinforces the belief that Bassil is not absent. from the negotiation, drawing his role from Aoun, Hariri’s actual negotiator in Authorship.
This indicates a tangible change in the constitutional mechanism sponsored by Article 53, when the stages of government formation are divided into three non-overlapping stages, each separated from the other and with its own calendar: the first of which are consultations. binding obligations to appoint a designated president, at the end of which his temporary constitutional entity will be established without having to become president of the Council. Ministers, except after issuing a decree signed by the President of the Republic unilaterally. The second is the exclusive role of the president in charge of carrying out the consultations and then, in turn, of drafting his government, without the president of the republic having any role at this stage, and if it is necessary that the designated president visit him to inform you of your inquiries, as the conceptualization is limited to the designated chairperson. The third is when the designated president takes his draft to the president of the republic, and the role of both is equalized, which forces them to agree so that the issuance of the authorship decree is linked to its signature, otherwise it will not there is a decree, so the president of the republic has a double role, linked to his approval, amendment or rejection of the draft to accept the signature. Otherwise, the president-designate remains accused or apologizes.
What is happening today contravenes the cycle of article 53. Before Hariri wrote his draft, it was common that his only negotiator for the Christian side was the President of the Republic, who represents himself, the extent of his representation of his party, which constitutes the largest parliamentary bloc and the largest Christian bloc in Parliament. Because Aoun now occupies a dual role, as head of state and concerned with the Christian side, it is no longer important that Basil is in the form of a minor, and he does not necessarily need a reconciliation between him and Hariri. Confirming this, information began to circulate about the placement of Christian names in basic wallets, directly linked to Aoun or Basil, not to say that they would monopolize all Christian participation.
Third, some people miss what appears to be a detail in the final composition stage, very shortly before the government decree was issued, and it is not a detail of what has become the core of the game’s traditions. : Before the formation of the government is announced and the three decrees are printed, it is necessary that the president of the parliament, Nabih Berri, go to the palace. Baabda to review the final version, devoid of the names of the Shiite ministers who personally carried his list with him. He is the one authorized on behalf of the Shiite duo to deliver names to the President of the Republic and the President designated at this particular time and not before, so that they are not submitted once to negotiation and the other to negotiation as names. Therefore, their names are displayed as never touched. Such a tradition is neither new nor urgent, nor is it necessarily a formality. It has an additional connotation, which is the presence of a third co-author, the Shiite partner, who is always represented by Berri. Without their moral approval in the best of cases, there are no decrees, because there are no names of Shiite ministers. In the category of acknowledging this tradition, Hariri, like all his predecessors, lined up with the third Shiite role in composition. Some recall that Berri was the first to leave the Baabda Palace on February 15, 2014, minutes before the decree of Prime Minister Tammam Salam’s government was printed, and oversaw the unexpected and unexpected deal at the last minute by delivering the portfolio of the Interior Ministry to Representative Nihad Al-Machnouk and Justice to Major General Ashraf Rifi. By this time, the plane that was taking him abroad had started the engines, awaiting his arrival at the airport.
Hariri finally went further. Beforehand, before being commissioned to pay the allocation price, he agreed to hand over the bag of money to the Amal Movement and let the Shiite ministers (Amal Movement and Hezbollah) be named as reference, not to mention his promise to limit Druze representation to Jumblatt. The fruits of these first two concessions, the first steps on the concession ladder, supported the Druze leader in his mission.
It’s no secret that between October 2019, when he resigned, and October 2020, when he was reassigned, Hariri climbed the ladder of conditions and concessions again and again, trying one after another. It inflicted three “victims” on the road, namely the former minister, Muhammad Safadi, Samir Al-Khatib and Ambassador Mustafa Adeeb. His victims were the ones who nominated him for assignment and then dumped him, like someone who likes a game and then gets bored with him to ask for another. In terms of offering – not the third of them – the most precious concessions to the Shiite duo to gain access to Saraya.
Such action has been enough today, albeit with a government of specialists, for the other blocs to demand a similar concession, or somewhat less, to the one given to the Shiite duo when appointing their ministers. The argument that the president of the republic is armed first.
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