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The evidence for this unfolds, one by one. Tel Aviv cast its bait last night, announcing the delegation that will represent it at the negotiating table in Naqoura, to show that it has raised the level of representation from military technician to heavyweight politician, as the delegation will include the advisor. politician of the head of the enemy government, Reuven Azar, and the president. The political system in Israel’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Alon Bar. Y Azar is not only an advisor, but heads the foreign policy division in the presidency of the enemy government, which coordinates strategic political planning in the National Security Council. for the benefit of the Israeli “political authority”. How will Lebanon officially address this issue? Are you on the way to “take the knowledge” and adapt to it? Or is it lurking at the insistence of the Israeli enemy to drag Lebanon’s foot into a trap?
The matter is in the custody of the President of the Republic, General Michel Aoun. This is what the President of Parliament, Nabih Berri, said on the day he announced the Ain al-Tineh framework agreement, confirming the end of his role and the transfer of responsibilities to the first presidency and to the command of the army. This was proven by Aoun by pointing out that he received the negotiations in accordance with the stipulations of the constitution. Baabda sources indicated that the issue of the delegation is “under discussion” and that President Aoun “has initiated consultations in this area and will speak with the army leadership.” The same sources confirmed that “there is no decision regarding the Israeli delegation. We have not been informed of anything official by the United Nations, nor have they been informed of us because the Lebanese delegation has not yet been completed.” Although Army sources confirmed that “the decision is exclusively in the hands of the President of the Republic,” they indicated that “the leadership is making routine preparations in terms of gathering information on the enemy delegation, drawing up maps and everything that surrounds the file.” .
In this context, information was discussed on the amendments that Lebanon would make to the delegation that would represent it, in response to the Israeli provocation. Note that President Aoun had decided on the names of the delegation members, namely: Pilot Brigadier General Bassam Yassin (Army Deputy Chief of Staff for Operations), plus Colonel Mazen Basbous, an expert in border negotiations, Najib Masih, and the head of the Petroleum Sector Management Authority, Wissam Shabat. And several experts. What is strange, however, is the tendency of some parties to expand the delegation to include a diplomatic figure representing the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, despite the fact that the Lebanese agreement provided for technical negotiations. Al-Akhbar learned that Hadi Hashem, director of the Foreign Minister’s office, was elected. But his main “advantage” is that he was director of the office of Minister Gebran Bassil, and was and continues to be his advisor and close to him, to the extent that Bassil suspended his “foreign” transfers. However, the issue is not about Al-Hashem’s proximity to Bassil or anyone else, but rather that his inclusion in the Lebanese delegation is as if he meets the enemy in the middle of the road, even if it is not the intention. Is this up to date with the American mediator?
Another logistical problem that Lebanon faces are the two delegations sitting in a room. It is true that they will not exchange talks directly, but Lebanon must consolidate the idea of indirect negotiations and stick to the formula of the Committee of April 1996, of which these negotiations are an extension, to cut the way to the American “mediator” and the Israeli enemy, and prevent them from exploding the technical negotiations and turning them into a political victory. For them. “Read the full article Press here.
