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News: A week has passed out of the 15 days since the French “grace period” to form a government since President Emmanuel Macron’s recent visit to Lebanon.
Time is no longer a luxury, neither for the designated prime minister, Mustafa Adeeb, nor for the heads of the parties who negotiate the next formation with him.
Despite this, the divergence in the perception of the government between the two parties prevents agreeing a small detail in this regard. Therefore, breaking the deadlock is linked to an external gap. That has become a habit.
The main dispute today revolves around several points, the most prominent of which is the rotation of the basic and sovereign portfolios.
Adeeb insists on breaking the old rules about a certain sect that has a ministry or a political party that has a portfolio. He wants a full and comprehensive rotation of all ministries, especially the sovereign, and that seems to have caused a problem with the main powers.
The second obstacle lies in the desire of the president-designate to appoint ministers and choose their portfolios individually without consulting anyone, which is not acceptable to the politicians who brought Adeeb as president, especially since the government of “independents” or “specialists” it is no longer included in the dictionary of political parties. The experience of the government of resigned President Hassan Diab was not encouraging, and it has been shown to party leaders that the absence of politicized faces represents a weakness for the government, not a point of strength, especially if the task of the next cabinet is to address pressing issues, especially “financial recovery” and “economic advancement.”
Here, the discussion branches out over the representation of Mustafa Adib, who was appointed by former Prime Minister Saad Hariri, who is also close to Prime Minister Najib Mikati. How can a head of government who is not politically independent form a government that is independent of his claims? Have Hariri and his partners carefully selected the assortment? In this case, why would the forces of March 8 give Hariri a free victory and a supposed government that he controls after he fell internationally and in the Arab world and failed to reach the weight of the government?
On the other hand, there are those who say that the first sponsor of the authorship negotiations is none other than the former French ambassador to Lebanon and one of the Elysée’s top advisers, Emmanuel Bonn. So some are counting on LeBon’s role to find a way out of this deadlock and pave the way for the president-designate to quickly form a government.
There is also one aspect of the existing disagreement, which revolves around the number of ministers, a mini government of 14 ministers, as requested by Adib, or an expanded government of 24 ministers to include all party representatives and the “moderation” between sects. Until now, the power of attorney of the designated French president collides with the natural course of authorship: there is no birth of his government without the confidence of the parliamentary majority represented by the main parties in Parliament.
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