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Everything that has been rumored about the formation of the government thus far refers to nothing that differs from the image of Prime Minister Hassan Diab’s government, except its boss. Like the predecessor, the successor is immersed in a slow and gradual game of concessions, after ensuring that the high ceiling conditions it set for its approval to head the government are suitable for allocation, not composition: de a government of 14 ministers to a government of 20, if not more, from specialized ministers only to specialized ministers. They are vaccinated by politicians or motivated by politicians, from a comprehensive rotation to a rotation that warns of exceptions, from the insistence that the designated president is the only one who has the competence to appoint ministers to their delivery, which is entrusted to the blocs. What has now become post-assignment characteristics is the closest thing to a cross between what Diab refused before forming his government and then grudgingly accepted, and what President-designate Mustafa Adeeb stipulated, and then he apologized for it. And the intelligence it suggests was that Hariri was able to return to Saraya for the fourth time, which is now not his own creation, but someone else’s.
This knowledge lies in a few facts:
First, he has more credit with the Shiite duo than his opponents and supporters expected. The two have not, at least since 2005, a Sunni leader like Hariri did over and over again, despite disappointments. It has been proven for a long time since the Doha Agreement that it is the only party capable of preventing Sunni-Shiite sedition, as much as it can manufacture it. He had succeeded before the events of May 7, 2008, and since then he has not tried again. Since Hariri’s arrival as prime minister in 2009, he has only caused a crisis with the Shiite duo, and Hezbollah in particular, only twice: first in December 2010 due to the International Tribunal and false witnesses that led to the overthrow of his government. by a third + 1, and again in November 2017 when it was forced. Riyadh Al-Hariri violently attacked Hezbollah, condemned it, and then resigned. Therefore, the presence of Hariri in Saraya by the Shiite duo rarely worries, who has also realized – when they separate – that the attempt to compensate him will stumble, as happened with the government of Prime Minister Najib Mikati in 2011 and the government of Diab in 2020, both exceptions in the bilateral relationship with the head of the Future Movement, who in turn did not cut the lines of dialogue with Hezbollah. God.
From that, the firm belief that the true Sunni ally of the Shiite duo is only Hariri, regardless of the other Sunni figures sitting on its banks. The duo never wanted the two, who were holding the game of political and military balance in the street and power, to give either of their allies a chance to assert a new Sunni successor to Hariri or act as if he were his rival.
Second, the role that the Speaker played in facilitating Hariri’s return as prime minister, starting from the pre-appointment stage, was not hidden from obtaining a decent number of votes. Nor is it hidden that Berri was the de facto father of the overthrow of the Diab government when he summoned him to appear before Parliament. On the other hand, Hariri, who wanted to return to the Saraya at any cost, realized that there was no way to do so before concluding his understanding with the Shiite duo about their ministerial involvement as the main condition to rely on him. What he refused to give to the couple during Adeeb’s assignment, then partially lenient on him with the money bag, then he devoted himself to his request for Adeeb to resign after stating that what the prime minister-designate apologized for giving him The Shiite duo was easy for Hariri to do. Therefore, before their assignment, everyone made sure that the duo had already acquired their part in a government that they had not yet insisted on forming. This meant keeping the bag of money in his custody, since only he would appoint his ministers ”. Read the full article Press here.