Netanyahu in the Arabian Peninsula



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Prince Turki al-Faisal, former Chief of General Intelligence of Saudi Arabia and former Ambassador of Saudi Arabia in London and Washington, wrote a letter on July 7, 2014, addressed to the “Israel Peace Conference” in Tel Aviv, in the one that said: “Imagine that I can board a plane from Riyadh and fly directly to Jerusalem … What a pleasure to invite not only the Palestinians, but also the Israelis, who I will meet, to come visit me in Riyadh, where they can walk around my parents’ home in Diriyah, whose suffering I suffered from the oppression of Ibrahim Pasha resembles the suffering of Jerusalem at the hands of Nebuchadnezzar and the Romans.

This was not one of Nostradamus’ predictions, but rather an unspoken decision for decades that Ben-Gurion, one of the founders of the entity, set out to target, saying: “The historical reconciliation between Jews and Arabs will only take place at of the House of Saud “. On the other hand, the Saudi monarchs believed that the condition for the existence and stability of their entity is not to increase the confidence of the people, but to build an alliance with the Hebrew state under the auspices of the United States.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s visit to Jeddah, and the resort town of “Neom” in particular, last Sunday, and his meeting with the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia, Mohammed bin Salman, will remain a media affair. Israelis for some time, before the Western and American media get hold of it, with reluctance to A Shy Saudi before it became a reality, and the Saudi media itself is defending and stifling it. This is how the story of the Saudi-Israeli normalization begins with the leakage of news in the Hebrew media, then gains credibility by relaying the news to an Israeli official who then reveals his identity, then it spreads and becomes an irresistible reality.
What is striking about the news of the visit is not the origin of its occurrence, but the reaction to it. As always mentioned, in light of the successive leaks over months about the imminent signing of a “peace agreement” between Riyadh and Tel Aviv, which is designed to prepare the environment for the realization of normalization. The question here is: Does the Saudi race towards normalization occur according to local calculations, as is the case with Netanyahu, who is in crisis internally, or is it based on national, national and religious accounts? The answer is no, simply because the overwhelming majority of the population of the Arabian Peninsula does not want the day when the Zionists will set foot on the Arabian Peninsula.
Riyadh’s assumption of the role of hidden guide to the normalization process in its latest form, as it appeared at the inauguration of normal relations between the Israeli entity and each of the Emirates, Bahrain and Sudan, is not separated from the roles earlier that imprinted a normalization process dating back to 1981, when then-crown prince Fahd bin Abdulaziz advanced. Subsequently, the king launched the first “peace initiative” that includes, among its eight articles, the collective recognition of the Israeli entity. I want the initiative at that time to be an “Arab project”, as Fahd wanted it at the Fez summit, but the objection of various Arab regimes, together with the leadership of the “Organization for the Liberation of Palestine”, led to the project was withdrawn from circulation and was named the “Saudi project”.

We are facing a new equation in which the Israeli won the battle and expelled Saudi Arabia from the market for more

The Saudi initiative raised legitimate doubts about motives and objectives, given the proximity of the Arab era, with the shock of the former Egyptian president, Anwar Sadat, signing a peace agreement with the Israeli entity. The answer required a different reading of regional and international realities. The region was at the time undergoing a global transformation due to the impact of the Iranian Islamic Revolution and its internal repercussions (the Haram uprising led by Juhayman al-Otaibi in November 1979, and the Muharram uprising in the Eastern Province in December 1979). same year), and in the Gulf (a popular uprising in Bahrain in December 1979, and after the attempted overthrow of the regime in 1981), along with Arab and international repercussions. Saudi Arabia realized early on that the fall of one of the two pillars of support, namely Iran, requires urgent action to prevent the fall of the other pillar. Riyadh also realized, at the time, that access to the heart of the White House passes through Tel Aviv, and this has been evident in all the crises Riyadh has faced over the past four decades. In March 2002, the crown prince, Abdullah bin Abdulaziz, later king, presented another modified “peace initiative”, which included the right of the Israeli entity to exist, and did not defend the right of return as unquestionable.
Saudi Arabia was at its worst, and for the first time it was classified as a “focus of evil” by the US ally, following allegations of its involvement in the 9/11 attacks. The Saudi initiative, announced at the Beirut Summit, was an attempt to break international isolation and polish the image of the Saudi regime, as the official sponsor of the ideology of intercontinental hatred. The initiative did not obtain the official Arab consensus, despite intensive efforts by Riyadh over many years, interspersed with normalization activities, including meetings of Prince Turki Al-Faisal and Adel Al-Jubeir, the Saudi ambassador and former Foreign Minister. Foreign Affairs and current Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, with Israeli officials such as Tzipi Livni, former Foreign Minister of the entity, and former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak in July 2013 and others, in addition to extensive participation in political and security seminars sponsored by Israel, and meetings with Israeli officials in the Gulf and in European and American capitals.
The entrustment of the “deal of the century” to Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman is a paramount condition. The man spent the years 2018 and 2019 to convince Jordan and the Palestinian Authority in particular of the requirements of the agreement, including the abandonment of East Jerusalem and the right of return. The ceiling of the Saudi demand, and the American and Israeli behind it, was so high that it affected the core of Palestinian sovereignty and the religious and historical legitimacy of the Hashemite family, not to mention the rejection of many Arab countries of a project of peace that is not based on a two-state solution and East Jerusalem is not the capital of the Palestinian state.
In the results, breaking the Arab initiative into its Saudi version was not an Emirati, Bahraini or even Sudanese decision, but rather a Saudi decision in the first place. The normalization record from the turn of the millennium until now carried the Saudi imprint, and the media empire led by King Salman and his sons, Walid bin Talal and Khaled bin Sultan, took on the task of psychological, cultural and media normalization. The Saudi media have manipulated the psychology of Gulf public opinion, and to some extent Arab, until the idea of ​​normalization and the presence of the Israeli official in Gulf forums has become essentially commonplace. And the reader can imagine the reactions, if any, to Netanyahu’s visit to the country of the Two Holy Mosques, and his meeting with the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia in a place not less than a hundred kilometers from Mecca.
There is no benefit to be desired from Saudi exile or official Israeli silence, as long as the journey of normalization continues as decided by the Saudis, Israelis and Americans. We are facing a new geopolitical map that is taking shape and redrawing the scene of the Middle East, in light of the divisions in the official Arab system and the imbalance of regional and international powers.
The seriousness of Netanyahu’s visit is not on the announced direct agenda, because this simplifies the constitution out of the relationship, but rather the origin of the strategic partnership that will prevail in Arab, regional and international relations. We are facing a new equation in which the Israeli won the battle and drove Saudi Arabia, his strategic partner, from the market for more. For Riyadh, Palestine is no longer a problem, not to mention the problem. Rather, it has become a burden that it wants to shed, and this time it does so by defeating the “peace initiative” it previously adopted, for its causes.
Netanyahu’s visit to the Arabian Peninsula is the inauguration of a new story that puts the people of the Arabian Peninsula before two options: Either accept that Netanyahu and bin Salman write this date in treasonous ink, or that people write it in blood. of liberation from a shame committed by the Saud family against a people who refuse to be with Palestine without conditions.

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