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It is likely that the referendum on September 20 and 21 in the court of parliamentarians has political effects, as well as constitutional regarding the substance of the matter. The victory of the Yes would stabilize the legislature and represent the most formidable brake on any temptation of early elections: if only for the banal argument according to which a large part of senators and deputies would no longer find the seat although their parties retained the consents. On the contrary, the success of No, in addition to safeguarding an adequate parliamentary representation (in line with the standards of Western democracies), would reopen the games on the fate of the legislature and on alliances.
We understand, therefore, how the grillini in the first place, but also the premier himself Giuseppe Conte and the area of the governor of the Democratic Party (with the ministers at the head) and the left of Leu are all in favor of the cut. Of course, for the Movement there is the paternity of the battle with all the pseudo-cultural and populist anti-caste background, but we can be sure that, as they said goodbye to their other flags (let’s think about the abandonment of the link of the second term), also They would have done it easily if it hadn’t been tactically convenient to keep it up.
This being the case, however, we do not understand the position of Matteo salvini. He accepted the parliamentary cut because it was part of the government contract with the grillini, but once the pact was broken, why did he persist in supporting the cut? In short, why do you persist in supporting a vote that is not part of the League’s program and that objectively strengthens the government? In this way it ends up becoming a fifth column of the current majority: but then it is useless to ask for early elections every other day and the next day.
The objection is so well founded that many move towards the leader of the Northern League that, unsurprisingly, Silvio Berlusconi, as a skilled director, he is moving Forza Italia to No. And he is doing so, moreover, by resorting to a “high” and “institutional” argument (the risk of limiting democracy by sheer demagoguery) that fits perfectly into the role of great old liberal democrat who has carved out a few years.
Therefore, if it is true that politics lives on paradoxes, it is equally true that it can also die. And the paradox of the leader of the League fighting without blemish and without fear of the yellow-red executive, but indirectly lending a hand to his former friend Luigi di maio it doesn’t seem to be able to last long. First of all among yours.
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