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Alessandro giuli
It’s too easy to get mad at Matteo Renzi and the scoppola who remedied local inquiries the other day. It is true that his Italia Viva was irrelevant to the electoral result in Tuscany – nailed just under 5 percent, a score lower than the distance between neo-governor dem Eugenio Giani and league rival Susanna Ceccardi – and thus also in Campania for the overwhelming victory of Vincenzo De Luca; Regarding Veneto and Puglia, Daniela Sbrollini and Ivan Scalfarotto reached 1 and 2 percent respectively (in the latter case including the contribution from + Europe by Emma Bonino and Acción by Carlo Calenda).
In short, the result is very modest, despite the fact that the former prime minister tries to emphasize the political effort and the general mobilization that unleashed his own. And yet, circumstance does not authorize him to sing a funeral hymn to the Renzi project or, worse still, to judge its political issue as irrelevant in the current left. And here we are talking about the Democratic Party, which has reached an important crossroads: to continue in the wake of reformism with a majority vocation or to be reduced to a rocky agglomeration of nostalgic minorities gathered around the old company and who need to vampirize the Grilline electorate to gain (little) ground. ?
The first to know the correct answer is Nicola Zingaretti, who has a faltering relationship with Renzi but is aware that the renewing message of Renzism has been inoculated in a lasting way in the best part of the Democratic Party. Beyond the Sovietizing reflections of the current secretary and the positions halfway between Caesarism and the thug of the simple Senator of Scandicci, there is a good piece of history of the most advanced and post-twentieth century to save and preserve.
Renzism is precisely this, a Copernican reformism that overturned the status quo of a party based on the inertia of a totalitarian lineage and administered by a dusty nomenclature. For better or for worse, Renzi has scrapped, rejuvenated and cleaned up the company of its waste by inserting a European, posideological “narrative”, open to cross-cutting dialogue with Berlusconi’s arch-enemy and above all aimed at a valuable constitutional reorganization.
In short: if today the Democratic Party still tries to open up to the outside world and include moderate sectors; If it is about re-tying the threads of a constitutional reform that goes beyond perfect bicameralism to rebalance the relationship between the State and the Regions towards the center, we owe it to the child who ate the communists and who defied destiny and numerous established powers also proposing an electoral law of a clearly majority type. The fatal referendum of December 4, 2016, with its fiery defeat, marked the beginning of a decline considered too hastily ineluctable, as evidenced by the birth of the Conte bis promoted by the young lily and its subsequent parliamentary split from the Democratic Party.
Today we run the risk of making the same mistake, further forgetting that Renzism can exist even without Renzi and is definitely better than a Renzi who is no longer Renzian who had to accept a proportionalist turn. When Luciano Violante, a historical figure of the best left inspired by the goal of a national Concord, dreams of a constitutional proposal for a popular initiative for differentiated bicameralism (it happened a few days ago), he shows us that the social democratic tradition can be combined with freshness of a liberal intuition only apparently aborted. Let’s give time to time, and don’t waste it fantasizing about improbable Renzian funerals.
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