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Francesco Specchia
It is turning into a fascinating judicial pochade, these gods “Secret League Funds”. The progression is fictitious and we hope it will take our breath away at least until the regional elections. First come the three Po Valley accountants who have lost their souls behind an inflated warehouse cost report. Then it turns out that it is not the experience that inflates, but everything else. So, here is the clue to the inevitable Panamanian financial. And it turns out that it is the wrong path. After that, a certain Ghilardi appears, a former director of the Ubi branch who confesses to having covered “a hidden treasure” of the Po Valley out of friendship, starting – not how or why – with the sale of a used Rolex.
And again, Il Fatto Quotidiano reveals the story of “18 million suspects paid to a notary”, but the story immediately fades. While the figure of Serhiy Tihipko, the elusive Ukrainian businessman, who allegedly raised “a transfer of 19 million”, is reappearing, it is not clear that there is something good to the plot, but it is certainly compelling. In all this, of the three Lega prosecutors under house arrest, two appear at the hearing with the magistrates. His lawyer Piermaria Corso tells us: “Once the accusation and the alleged crimes were known, my clients felt that they did not have to exercise the right not to answer because they believe that they can explain their non-role, their role of irrelevance. criminal in the matter. We trust the judge. Best wishes.
That the “controversial crimes” would then be “alteration of the freedom of procedure for choosing the contractor” and “embezzlement”; the latter in the extraction process, given the report – unveiled by the newspaper – that would dismantle the accusations about the inflated expense of the Corsico warehouse (they would be worth 820 thousand euros). That then even if all three friends were guilty, I don’t know why When Zinga’s Democratic Party ends up in the scams, the party is the loser; but if the scam affects the League at least, for the match, complicity is activated. Ah, I forgot. In its debut on newsstands, the newspaper Domani dell’ottimo Stefano Feltri focuses on an unprecedented investigation: “From the money league to the deputies”, where the Carroccio anti-money laundering custom is broadcast. If it were true and we talked about ethics, we could discuss it. But judicially we are still in the hypotheses of the hypotheses.
And that is the point. The accusations are always hesitant, final sentences are missing. The set of pre-electoral investigations, all this ardent judicial sirocco, naturally blows towards a single objective: the path of light for a large part of the judiciary, namely, the search for the fabulous 49 million missing electoral contributions from the Carroccio . The causal link is not easy to understand. But they explained to us that today’s “shed system”, whatever it may be, could be the same one that was used yesterday for the passage of the aforementioned public funds that disappeared in the folds of “complex corporate structures.” Ultimately, the loot of the 49 bags would be in the shed. Now, it would be trivial to evoke the placid judgment of Attilio Fontana (also with his anguish) on the whole matter: “Reading about investigations based on nothing, in deep gorges, leaves me quite indifferent. When I have read the documents I will make some assessments, but now not on the gossip.
Things any medium-sized cabotage guarantor would underwrite with their eyes closed, after a very frustrated year of insane and desperate investigations and continuous blood tests in Po Valley. No. The 49 million in the League are now an inviolable Moloch. The 49 million rhymes with the 40 thieves. They have entered the imaginary of anti-politics, they represent the fall of the lansquenets in public pockets, the paradigm of the bad conscience of the parties, the very symbol of the ethical violation of the elected against the voters. However, that money, today, should be stripped of its fierce narrative. This despite the undoubted responsibility and personal use on his part by the Bossi court; And the real problem, to preserve the memory of the Founder, was precisely that the League did not want to be a civil party, as Margherita did, for example, in the Lusi case.
Those 49 million – which in the meantime have become 19, considering inflation, interest rates and payments of more than 75 years – are a buried treasure who knows where. Without obligation of coercion thanks to a regrettable law but exploited by all parties, they represent the eternal and unresolved pursuit of judicial happiness. Perhaps spent for the structural reform of the party (perhaps a lot), perhaps for the eternal electoral expenses, perhaps for the Albanian title of Trout: those 49 million are still the perfect argument to comment on every thought, deed or omission of the League today. It would be the case, at least in an attempt to change a now boring dialectic with voters, that those who accuse the League of having stolen the holy grail of public funding, well at least tell us where the loot is buried …
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