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Trump’s defeat seriously threatens to declassify sovereignty as a child disease of the center-right government. A virulent form not of politics but of attitude, treated in the same way as psychological manifestations such as rebellion, narcissism, bullying, denial, machismo.
Let me be clear: Trumpism – with its base of social anger, disorientation, exaltation of the race, fear of the different, distance between the center and the suburbs – was not a parenthesis and certainly will not end with the departure of the president of the House. White . However, the paradox is enormous, as Enrico Letta immediately pointed out: “Trump has created an imaginary, after Kennedy he is perhaps the president of the United States who has the most followers outside his country. There are people who have their photo at home like Che’s ”. At the same time, however, he is “the first outgoing president to lose reelection in 28 years, the last being Bush against Clinton.”
That’s all short circuit. The ability to campaign does not automatically imply the ability to govern. The supporters of a party are not the ruling class of the party. The claque is ideal for clapping less to lead. The fake news spread by the official “Potus” account has its effect reaching millions of people, but the image of the “crazy uncle who retweets anything” does not match that of the US commander in chief. And at the end comes the bill: during the election night the US media (including Fox, by direct order of Rupert Murdoch) disconnected the microphones of the outgoing president who, after having previously disregarded respect for the result, was accusing the president elected without any proof, but not even a hint. When, in short, the terrain was no longer that of freedom of expression, which in America is sacred, but that of institutional subversion, with which no one jokes abroad. So, bye, Mr. President. And it is with this panorama that the right-wing parties of the world are already addressing it, including Italy. Orphan of an icon even before a shore (mighty). Silvio Berlusconi, who does not lack the instinct of politics, delivered the most focused requiem: “Trump has paid for his arrogance. I haven’t heard from him, but I wish Biden good governance. The United States is divided but it must be the president of all ”. Also, although Donald has just fired the fourth head of the Pentagon in a row, the Knight is known to have never (openly) fired anyone. Better to wear down others as long as they take responsibility for the tear. Today’s Forza Italia, however, makes little effort to lower the flag of the tycoon that many have compared to Silvio: it is a party of 8%, in dialogue with the government of Giuseppe Conte, critical of the sovereignists, and that unlike they would like MONTH money. The issue in the League is much more complicated, where Matteo Salvini’s harsh definition of “Independiente” as “Trump’s cheerleader” hits the spot. The first interview after the November 3 vote is with Giancarlo Giorgetti, number two of the party, head of Foreign Affairs, Atlanticist and weaver of the Captain’s (so far scarce) European relations. And he speaks very clearly: “We are absolutely interested in speaking with the Biden administration. It is important to do it if we really want to go to the government of Italy ”. Then, sure, sweet words for Donald, but “nothing changes for us, we stand firm in the Atlantic position.”
Unusual silence, however, for Salvini, who on the eve of Election Day had himself photographed in the Trumpian campaign mask and who never hid his sympathies. So deep division or good cop / bad cop tactics? Both versions are accredited in Carroccio circles. “Not surprisingly, Giancarlo has been at the peak of power, the real one behind the scenes, for twenty years,” laughs a senator. In short: it is true that Giorgetti’s world of reference is broader and does not always coincide with that of the leader. It is equally true that he told Matteo to his face: staying attached to Marine Le Pen’s wagon in the Strasbourg Parliament is a lost strategy. And Trump is also at risk of becoming a hot potato. Not surprisingly, the men (and women) closest to Trump advise him to be cautious about how to conduct the legal battle to contest the election result and how to handle the crucial “transition” for Americans. What is at stake is no longer just his (controversial) reputation: there is the political legacy of the Republican party that Trump has surely shaped in four years, but that pre-existed and intends to succeed him. In reality, the true thermometer of the state The health of Italian sovereignty is considered – not since today – the behavior of Giorgia Meloni. Who, in a somewhat withdrawn way, studies his personal “transition”: few interviews, criticism of the government but no bombing (for example, on the story of the terrorist from Nice who landed in Lampedusa, Salvini asked for his resignation from the Viminale della Lamorgese, Meloni he limited himself to requesting clarifications in parliament). In Europe, while the former deputy prime minister with the ear of a passage in the EPP does not listen to us and plans a tour of the EU governments (who knows if the first will be Orban’s Hungary), Meloni has become president of the group Eurosceptic of Conservatives and Reformists. It is she who has the strongest and most structured relationships with the US Gop (she gave a speech at their event last year) while Salvinian’s trip to Washington in 2019 was a half failure. Now the leader of FdI argues: “The depths for sovereignty is premature, we are alive and well. Not half of American voters are all homophobic, ignorant white supremacists. ” However, he notes, “I don’t like labels.
I share ideas and values with Trump, but I’m not anyone’s cheerleader ”. If it’s about true glory and true distance between the two allies, it’s too early to tell. In between are, at least, the next three months. Understand how the “transition” to the White House will end. And who will occupy the Senate. However, a lesson from the right is already clear: in the electoral campaign you can have a long tongue, when you govern you have to (sometimes) bite it. The glossy packaging may convince you to buy, but then the package is unwrapped and you have to evaluate what’s inside. Divide et impera worked in the time of Julius Caesar, but it shows the chord in the era of multilateralism. A powerful media machine and a lot of money benefit the candidate, but the chosen one needs more subtle qualities. The crux, Berlusconi would say. In August 2019, this joke circulated on social media: “Dad, did Salvini really not do a good thing to the government?”, “Of course he did, son: he was sent home.” After Brexit, Nigel Farage played his cards so badly that he ended up in the antechamber of oblivion. Now, after a round of jousting, the Americans have sent the “crazy guy” to the outfield. And nobody wants to be next.
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