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There are no electoral percentages that break the 70% barrier in Europe. Almost. There are some exceptions in the East, in some countries whose democratic transition has not yet been fully completed, and in some particular junctures. They can be found in extraordinary cases, such as the front that was formed in the second round of the presidential elections in France to stop the National Front and Marine Le Pen. And, to listen to the polls, in Veneto. To quote Noto’s, Luca Zaia is given between 71% and 75%.
“Even the stones know that there is a Venetian exception in Italy.” Paolo Feltrin, political scientist and sociologist, former professor of management science in Trieste is not surprised. “On the other hand, Veneto has always been a center-right region – he continues – think of 2010, when it still reached a considerable 61%”. But in the Venetian exception another exception stands out, that of Zaia. A survey published today by Gazzettino raises the list that bears his name to an incredible 44%, while the parent company, Lega, is nailed to 14%. Winpoll for Sole24ore lowers the deal, but the positions do not change: the president’s list at 33.6%, almost seven points above the green shirts, nailed at 26.8%.
Perhaps Matteo Salvini had found out the day before, when he picked up the phone and called his lieutenant in the area, Lorenzo Fontana. From that telephone call, a dispatch was sent, according to Foglio, to all the local offices of the Northern League: “It is reiterated that all sections must campaign only for the list of the Lega.”
It is a small story within a great story, that of the claim of Venetian exceptionalism, of its millenary history, of the first federated League and then absorbed by the League, of militants who have never been there and of the capacity of a local strongman. “If you go through the lists, even though Zaia has absorbed some of that sentiment, you will find autonomous candidates, along with those on the left and the 5 stars,” says Feltrin. Here is Antonio Guadagnini, with the Venetian Party, and the softer Veneto for the autonomy of Simonetta Rubinato. But “that sentiment” is also expressed in the center-right coalition, where the Veneto Autonomy List finds its place.
″ Zaia had a great capacity to continue and amplify the slogans of the Venetian League ”. This is Franco Rocchetta, historic secretary of the Venetian League, two legislatures in Parliament under the symbol of Alberto da Giussano, a few months as undersecretary of Foreign Relations before closing the door in 1994, as he himself affirms. His words are a fresco in which the contours of a ten-year battle of which little or nothing is known outside the world of the old leagues can be clearly seen: “I left the League despite being federal president because until July ’94, despite the fascist escapes of Umberto Bossi, the elections and the congresses were democratic. In ’94 there was a real hit, put it down, I don’t use this term inappropriately. ” From then on, according to Rocchetta, it was a disaster: “A continuous political and moral degeneration of the Carroccio. The difference between Salvini and Bossi is that Bossi at least thundered against the fascists, Salvini doesn’t even think it’s necessary. ” There is pride and a claim for autonomy that has little to do with the “Italians first” party.
Feltrin tries to explain it like this: “In those places all the political forces are first Venetian and then Italian. This has been the case since 1860, an experience that the liberal and fascist period had left behind, and then the DC faded ”. Both the academic and the militant use the example of the consultative referendum on autonomy: “Participation is a significant fact – explains the professor – in Veneto it was twice that in Lombardy, although with a smaller population”. . Rocchetta questions it historically: “The League had a capillary organization that the League dreamed of, and which also crossed the borders of the Region, extending from Friuli to Brescia and Bergamo. In that referendum it is no coincidence that Brescia and Bergamo gave the same answer as in Veneto, while in the rest of Lombardy the results were different ”.
Feltrin explains that “there has always been tension and antagonism between the Lombard League and the Venetian League, they are disagreements that have been going on for 40 years.” He continues: “For various reasons in recent years regional autonomy has regained strength, which seemed to have weakened, but in the 90s their heads weighed, and the Lombards, who are many more, have taken control of the party never to surrender” . .
Those Lombards who for Rocchetta transformed the initial requests into a party “with a bureaucratic, statist structure, a bad reflection of the patronage of the DC.” And in this “Salvini is in full continuity with those who preceded him. Look at the candidacy of the Milan Patent Court. Patents were born in Venice, that was the city I had to go to ”.
The history (“Veneto is 4 thousand years old,” says Rocchetta, drawing stories of the Roman Empire and the Veneto-Dutch confederation of the 17th century) and the inlays of the last decades of politics have given rise to an incredible weed that you rarely see Sun. except to surface when that piece of regional culture wisely domesticated by Zaia runs the risk of spilling over into oceanic percentages. “Zaia has a very specific political strategy – explains Feltrin – thinks with a more traditional perspective than the great old men of La Liga, but also much more federal than Salvini.” To the point that even Rocchetta, who denounces “the infiltration of the old Christian democrats”, grants him a kind of honor of arms: “I have nothing against Zaia, an image has been built so well that it has won the support of the League”. “. We fish in the historical memory:” He has always been good at transmitting his image. When no one knew him, in the first half of the 90s he had two meter high white murals written by Treviso and the province with the words ‘Bravo Zaia’ and ‘Grazie Zaia’. She has always been a meter ahead, she has entered people’s heads “.
The obvious question is: can unanimity towards the governor, a national phenomenon just because it is within the borders of his region, become a threat to Salvini? For Feltrin “the more we talk about it, the more it goes against Zaia.” He uses an image that is a formidable synthesis of what the League is today: “The king in office is not questioned.” Then he widens the field: “Special conditions are needed for Veneto to gain access to national leadership. First, the Lombards must agree, and secondly, a broad consensus at the national level ”. Rocchetta defines it as “the foothold of twenty years of degeneration of the League beloved by Milan”. But there are words of consideration that would make the president attractive even to a tough and pure first-hour like him: “Zaia can undermine Salvini, but he doesn’t overestimate himself. He managed with immense skill to ride the Veneto, and he could aspire to be the leader, but he would never jump into the void, he would not make mistakes like the one the secretary made with the M5 alliance. I would do it only if the Lega Nord fans invoked it ”.
This explains the meaning of Salvini’s letter, who does not see immediate dangers but cultivates fears for the future, for a League that is no longer in splendid form as it was a few months ago, for a story that sooner or later someone will want to present to him. “Zaia would sign that letter – says Feltrin – because at the moment he has no interest in being a hare, he would be shot for lese majesty. Of course, if Salvini stumbles, I think it would open up an argument between Lombards and Venetians ”. More or less the same reading of Rocchetta, which however is recommended: “Write leaders at the level of the Italian state, not national. Because the nation is Veneto ”.
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