[ad_1]
Because there is no “great enemy”, as in 2005 when voting against the Calderoli reform certainly meant preserving the Constitution, but also hitting the Berlusconi government. And like in 2016, when a certain “no” was enough to defend the Charter born of the Resistance, but also to overthrow Renzi.
These are the reasons for a sleepy, apathetic climate, oblivious to the deep impulses and urgencies of the country, around the referendum on the reduction of parliamentarians. The “great enemy” is not the government, whose survival is not a question and which, on the contrary, will find a life insurance policy precisely in the survival instinct of the current Parliament, behind the scissors that will turn it into a mirage for many . The “great enemy” would be -or better said: it is- the anti-politics that, with this consultation, inaugurates a new stage of the Republic. Once upon a time there was the Republic of the parties, now there is the Republic of the anti-politics that will have its founding date on September 20, with due respect for the systemic effects in terms of distortion of the representation of the current electoral law.
A harvest whose sowing lasted twenty years: the ideological contrast between square and palace, town and caste, the personalization of the message, the oligarchic drift and the lack of representation of Italian democracy (go to item: Porcellum), the tendency to conquer the power through the criticism of politics and its function, the anti-system stance of the leaders who have succeeded each other, be it that of the businessman outside the party system, the executioner that the leaders of that system sent them to the cage, the fighter who does not renew but crushes the left or the people’s tribune with the squares that praise his “vaffa”. Then, the great harvest favored by the technological revolution and the great crisis that has doubled the middle class, pushing it to populist revolt.
The enemy, not to get too long, is this material from here: a spirit of the time marked by the rejection of politics and the establishment. What has already changed the relationship between citizens and democracy. This enemy has already won. It is already, it would have been said once, hegemony in the country and in the mentality of the ruling classes. And it is precisely the lack of a radical otherness of vision that makes the positioning in the contest disenchanted and instrumental. The Democratic Party, having always voted no in Parliament, in the last reading turned to yes, on the basis of the promise of a “promissory note”, never collected, in terms of electoral and institutional corrections. Because it was the condition for the birth of the government.
Audacious exchange, which undermines a cardinal principle of the republican left, the separation between government and constitution and, with it, a long political tradition: the idea that the rules belong to everyone, regardless of governments and that the left is, before The whole game. of the Constitution, not the ruling party that links rule change to its survival. The yes is instrumental, given a reform that authoritative exponents of the majority of the Democratic Party have called dangerous, which has remained so even now that – it is now evident – the promised corrections are destined to be written in the water. Just as there is a good dose of tactic – let’s be honest: the Democratic Party congress has started on the constitutional referendum – in those defenders of the no who now discover the centrality of Parliament but who, at the time of the vote, did not come out of a crisis of conscience on the matter.
At the end of the day, it is the obvious result of the logic of recent months, in which in the name of the democratic emergency – when Salvini had to be stopped with all his powers – he swallowed everything to run the government and then – in the name of Viral Emergency to be countered – no one has blinked in front of a country closed at home via dpcm, without going through Parliament. If the populist contagion, in terms of the fundamental letter, is precisely the constitutive act of the government, it is difficult to seek otherness in an opposition that swims in the same waters. It is understood that Salvini, who voted for that reform with conviction, would be very happy if he sank at the polls, because he would have more places to satisfy the appetites of his people, but he does not say it to the contrary, he prepares on the afternoon of the 21st to howl against a Parliament full of squatters and delegitimized by popular vote. And even old Silvio, who thinks this cut is crap, has made it clear but doesn’t pronounce the syllable “no”, because he understands the spirit of the time.
Bye, someone really believes in yes, like Meloni and Di Maio, or at least they can perform in a sincere version at the masked ball. Participation will tell if the country is passionate about the issue or if, at this point, its rejection of politics is such that it does not even give a scalp. But this is another chapter of the speech.
[ad_2]
