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The political scientist Giorgio Galli, who died at the age of 92 in Camogli (Genoa), had written several books on the most varied topics: the events of the festivals (starting with History of the Italian Communist Party, published by Schwarz, with which he debuted with Fulvio Bellini in 1953), the structural defects of Italian capitalism, terrorism and its antecedents, esotericism and magical thinking. But he was best known for a 1966 essay on our political system, published at the time by Mulino and later proposed again by Mondadori, the title of which remained proverbial: Imperfect bipartisanship.
Galli’s thesis, born in Milan on February 10, 1928, It was that in Italy a bipolar tendency typical of Western industrialized countries was manifesting in those years, which saw two great political subjects, one conservative and the other progressive, as protagonists of public life. The problem was that these roles, in our country, were covered by two culturally inadequate forces for their respective tasks: the Christian Democrats, imbued with a Catholic mentality refractory to modernization; the Communist Party, linked to a revolutionary ideological conception inapplicable in the West. In the Italian context, in fact, their function was that of a moderate and social democratic party, but their ruling classes looked the other way, they had a vision of themselves that was largely out of step with their real self, their real behaviors.
The problem, Galli noted, was especially acute on the left. since the anti-system rhetoric of the PCI, its connection with the USSR and its refusal to legitimize internal dissent by creating organized currents made it inadequate to govern. These last two were sensitive topics that the political scientist had highlighted from his first works, so much so that his debut work was classified as Bourgeois because of the critical point of view expressed on the Bolshevization of the Communist Party of Italy implemented by Antonio. Gramsci and Palmiro Togliatti at the Lyon Congress in 1926.
In Imperfect bipartisanship a Galli landed in reformist positions He pointed out how the remnants of Stalinism condemned active militancy and the vast electoral consensus aggregated around the flags of the PCI to sterility. That party, he wrote, was not a danger to democracy but an enormous waste, like a power plant sucking up huge masses of energy to run a single dishwasher.
On the opposite side, it followed that the DC remained immovable for the government. And the lack of a rotation at the top, which was instead common currency in other European democracies, produced strong degenerative effects: instead of the modernizing reforms it needed, Italy was producing fragmentary and patronizing legislation, often agreed upon among Christian Democrats. and communists. aimed at the satisfaction of special interest groups, inadequate to support the development of an advanced industrial society. Even if Galli’s scheme was theoretically contested by other scholars, first of all Giovanni Sartori, there is no doubt that he had good reason to point to this block of the system as the decisive knot to be resolved.
In the years following the publication of his most important work Galli, Professor of History of Political Doctrines at Milan State University, he had dedicated himself to exploring the perverse effects of the paralysis he described. In the book Welfare capitalism (SugarCo, 1977), signed with Alessandra Nannei, had denounced the growth of a parasitic bureaucratic class around public intervention in the economy. And his History of the armed party (Rizzoli, 1986) hypothesized that terrorism had been tolerated and exploited by power structures interested in avoiding any incisive change in our country.
With the passage of time he had become convinced that the speculative and parasitic classes he had successfully maneuvered in the shadows to empty republican democracy and plunder Italy’s resources, as he wrote in the book The invisible blow (Kaos, 2015). He feared the dominance of finance over politics that he had worrisomely described in his most recent essay. The power that is conquering the world, written with Mario Caligiuri and released last July by Rubbettino.
Beginning in the 1980s, Galli’s researchAn author of inexhaustible intellectual curiosity, he had also turned towards the esoteric dimension of politics, with a particular (but certainly not exclusive) attention to the mysteries of the Third Reich. In the trial Hitler and magical Nazism (Rizzoli, 1989) had probed the initiatory component that flourished in the shadow of the swastika, hypothesizing that many decisions of the German dictator had been dictated by the idea of a mystical clash between primordial forces.
Galli thought that the occult was an integral aspect of our civilization, destined to resurface in new forms in the face of the crisis of Western rationality and representative democracy. Even his most recent book just published in October, Hitler and esotericism (Oaks, page 238, me 18) explored these themes.
Oblivious to any type of ideological file, Galli had also published an Italian edition of the My fight by Adolf Hitler himself (Kaos, 2002), published a pamphlet In defense of communism in the history of the 20th century (Kaos, 1998) and in the book Stalin and the left (Baldini Castoldi Dalai, 2009) had invited us to consider the figure of the Soviet despot without demonizing him. The totalitarian regimes of the twentieth century did not seem to him examples of pure barbarism: he believed that their events should be critically studied in order to place them in a more general historical context. As much as one may not agree with their conclusions, the indication of the method is certainly acceptable.
December 27, 2020 (change December 27, 2020 | 15:36)
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