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Alessandro giuli
The worst path the Democratic Party could take? The assisted suicide of a world that abandons its recent history of reformism with a majority vocation to gladly launch itself into the farce of a false Realpolitik. It happened yesterday in the leadership of the Democratic Party, with Secretary Nicola Zingaretti who frankly reiterated, avoiding any theoretical reflection, the reasons for the sensationalist turn of the referendum by the court of parliamentarians that unleashed the populist pride of the Five Star Movement.
Here are his words, in a few words: “I propose to the Directorate the indication to vote Yes in the referendum. If No prevailed, the government would not fall, “said Zingaretti knowing full well that the government would explode if the Democratic Party voted No and this is the main reason why Democrats – despite the dissent of a few leaders but authoritarian and courageous – they have officially denied their opposition to the parliamentary scissors in the absence of a counterpart to balance the unbalanced unbalanced. Ridible, in this sense, is the support of the Democratic Party (suggested by the secretary) for Luciano Violante’s proposal of ” accompany the campaign for Yes to the referendum with a collection of signatures for differentiated bicameralism “. For Zingaretti this would be, that is, a distant and vague internal consultation, a” way, although with different options that will exist, to unite the Democratic Party “.
Weak in merit and form, the position taken reflects a terrifying ideal void that promises nothing serious or good. The Democratic Party abdicates common sense without even trying to explain that it has changed its mind about the Italian constitutional structure. Because this is what we are talking about: the fundamental architecture of a nation captured by a palatial maneuver designed to temporarily defeat the imminent “sovereign danger” by avoiding early elections at all costs. It was supposed to be a short-term reversal, with the stated aim of deactivating the safeguard clauses, and it became the waltz of hypocrisy. At least the Lega of Matteo Salvini had formulated a contract with the grillino ally, from which both the reduction of the parliamentarians and the judicial reform would be linked to a preventive reorganization – and as far as possible widely shared – of the institutional framework. affected by the measures in question. Although fragile and questionable in itself, also because Salvini in the summer of 2019 was still tempted by the illusion of voting for the cut and then going to the vote, the operation had the merit of procedural clarity and complexity.
Today the Democratic Party prefers to hide its thunderous cultural turn, pretending to be able to put a patch on the wound caused a posteriori, to continue clinging to the seats until 2023 that it will begin to scrap by referendum. He is a wise man of ignorance that is only justified by the open and manifest metamorphosis of a party that is no longer on the left, handcuffed to expropriate as far as possible the right to make power and consent coincide in a homogeneous government that reflect the popular will. Not even the need to elect the new President of the Republic in accordance with the European establishment (2022), an election already irritatingly conditioned by Giuseppe Conte’s inference about a possible encore by Sergio Mattarella, can be valid as an acceptable excuse to sacrifice balances institutional. Italians taking a path of no return. The worst address, in fact.
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