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Here, the usual ensemble (now: the ensemble): the podium in the courtyard of Palazzo Chigi, few and far between journalists, Casalino, unlike the premier, without a mask. And then the wait, a bit artistically created, a bit confusing, yet the format never, if ever, airs before prime time. And then the night CDM, Parliament always intervenes afterwards (better to say: informed of the fait accompli). And then the dpcm, released five days after the previous one, waiting (ouch) for the next. That’s why this snapshot is important: because it evokes March, April and May, only that it is October. It evokes when we were unprepared (and it was legitimate), it is now clear that the months have passed in vain. But, in the end, we always go back there: to the need for the grip that already evokes the next one as on an inclined plane.
The news is the speed with which it is announced, which, for lovers of comparisons, has nothing of gravitate of Macron’s speech, a speech to the country about the country, full of political tension. Conte speaks fifteen minutes, without emotion, bureaucratic language, as if it were a service communication, as neutral as possible: this is open, this is closed, this is allowed, this not unless “unless there are justified reasons “. Not a political act, full of depth, but a regulation that is updated from time to time. In other words, the exceptional has become so normal, so institutionalized, the form of politics in the current stage, that it is enough to enumerate permissions and prohibitions. And the reason is clear: since the new dpcm is the result of a tense and exhausting mediation, it is difficult to go beyond the essential, so difficult that, between what is missing and what is missing, the absence of the “why” it is noisy. of the options, or a minimal hint of a truthful discourse on the country and on the need for the measures, compared to those launched a few days ago: the scientific evidence, the delays, the objectives, the possible compatibility framework To the limit of omitting this one that obviously wasn’t – the swabs, the tracing, the lines, the lost hiring of doctors – covered by complacency in the mass-spread masks and the many “we did.”
We said, the exhausting mediation: with the Regions, which did not want restaurant closures, and in the government regarding the hard line of Speranza and Franceschini. Because, ultimately, this provision has very little disruption compared to the previous one a few days ago. The most radical measure – the closure of nightlife areas and the risk of social gatherings – is entrusted to the mayors (discharged to the mayors, if you prefer). He has taken time in the gyms, despite pressure from the Minister of Health. There is a squeeze of conventions, fairs and conferences. There will be smarter work. On the other hand, the school will remain open, but staggering the accesses and allowing, where appropriate, distance training (already foreseen by the previous dpcm). This again proposes another already seen of this long crisis, from the days of the confinements and then the reopening of the discos: a kind of “viral federalism” in reality, in which the regions make decisions that the government is partially capable of insert into a consistent framework. A federalism without the rules of the federal state, but with the law of the strongest. In other words: De Luca has closed the schools, the government responds by staggering the tickets, but no one questions De Luca’s decision. Well then: if tomorrow the governor of Campania does not adapt, we are precisely “de facto federalism”, based on the principle of the strongest, which today is De Luca, tomorrow who knows.
The objection is well known: it is such a difficult situation how you do it wrong. Although up to a point. Because the lawful in March compared to the unknown is a little less today compared to the known. In the middle is the lack of prevention, controls and also the Ministry of the Interior, which has responsibilities in complying with the rules. Let’s face it: Conte’s words reveal that, again, the country is imprisoned in a devil’s alternative between health reasons and GDP reasons, so the protection of the first is given by sacrificing the second, and in this vice they are everybody. prudence, caution, hesitation in measures, in the face of fear of an explosion of social anger. Because unlike March when the fear of health was such a strong glue that extreme sacrifices were accepted, now that the fear of health joins the fear of not succeeding, it is no longer an element that unites, but tears the fabric deep. from the country.
The problem is, this dominance is only partly the result of cynical and deceptive destiny. It is also the result of elections and not elections that have demonstrated our inability to live with the virus, combining GDP and health and, at the same time, democracy and pandemic, maintaining the state of emergency that represents the true political glue of a born government. by chance. In the end, the data of the day is that the car, in short, the Conte guide: concerned about the social sustainability of the measures, managed to impose a much softer measure than what the government ally wanted, unloading the responsibility on the mayors. of draconian elections, he has also taken time in the gyms and, it is not a detail, he has buried the ESM as a textual measure that risks increasing debt (that’s right: after it has risen to 160 of GDP, It turns out that debt is a problem to the extent invisible to the Five Stars). It starts again, in this eleventh episode (with the eleventh dpcm) of the format. It looks like March, in this episode, even if it’s October. Title: Return to the future.
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