[ad_1]
The results of the regional elections will be known tomorrow. But one thing is certain: the Democratic Party would uncork the sparkling wine if the challenge, in the six regions, ended with a 3 to 3 (thus losing only one region). This says a lot about the state of health of the left. We have known for years that the center-right is the majority in the country: we know this from the 2019 European elections and from the different rounds of regional elections where the left was defeated (and the grillini decimated). Therefore, it is very likely that today’s and tomorrow’s votes will also give victory to the center-right and see the left defeated. However, it is equally likely that this time too the government will remain standing and Italy will continue to be (poorly) governed by a coalition that is a minority in the country and cannot cope with the enormous problems of the coming months. Why? One of the reasons, it must be admitted, lies in the fact that the center-right only foresees one (impossible) scenario for each victory, the snap elections, and does not have, so to speak, a “plan B”.
Of course, it is understandable (and correct) that the center-right, by winning, wants to strike reality in the face of the government, and it is equally understandable (and correct) that healthy democratic medicine is indicated in the early vote to restore the representativeness and authority of the government. But is it profitable and useful to have this one card to play anyway and always (the early pick request)? Shouldn’t we, in politics, accept the reality that today says that it is not possible to have early elections? If they are not possible, why cling to this idea? Elections are impossible because Pd and M5S, although divided on everything, share the fear of losing power and cling to their seats: the more defeats they accumulate, the more terrified and blocked they are. All the more so today that, with the mirage of the Recovery Fund money, they believe that they will soon be able to have enormous capital with which to do amazing things and regain the consent of the Italians. The fact that the European mega-loan must be repaid does not worry them because the problem will arise a few years after the 2023 elections. The funds arrive before 2023 (if not minimally). While the Italian economy is already in an emergency situation. However, the objective of Pd / M5S is to earn a living to elect together a president of the Republic of their liking in 2022 and to wait vaguely for European loans to play the 2023 electoral campaign.
PACT FOR POWER
Faced with this ironclad “pact for power”, which seems indifferent to the situation in the country, the center-right can do nothing. You can win as many regional and European elections as you want, but those don’t come out of your seats. So continuing to ask for (only) snap elections is like barking at the moon, while the country falls apart. Therefore, the center-right should be given a “plan B”. After all, that the Giallorossi coalition is divided on everything and has no ideas or credibility is obvious to anyone. In fact, the bloc of powers and forces that supported the birth of Count bis no longer exists today. First of all, the American side is no longer there and, especially if the presidential elections are won by Donald Trump, the current Italian government, the most pro-Chinese in the West, will have big problems (see yet another visit by Secretary of State Mike Pompeo in Italy precisely in an anti-Chinese role). Second, there is a part of the Italian establishment that has “resigned” from this government.
This is demonstrated by the words of Zingaretti’s strategist, Goffredo Bettini, in whom, in recent days, he attacked those “potentates” who until yesterday had supported ConteBis, saying that “the forces that want to normalize the country and strike a free government , which does not respond to any external power, which does not accept conditions or diktat “(hold back the laughter). According to Bettini, «this profile of ours is opposed by the” salon “of Italian capitalism, which also operates by buying newspapers. And then the Confindustria de Bonomi, very aggressive ”, but“ it would be adventurous to bring about the fall (of the government): a gift to the potentates ”. Beyond the laughable Bettinian exaltation of ConteBis, it is true that a part of the squad, which at first supported him, today shoots zero on the executive. Even Carlo De Benedetti (to say the most left wing of this world) yesterday, in the Corriere della Sera bombed not only Conte, but also the government, for how (not) he faces the economic emergency: “The government has shown an absolute lack of vision on how to restart the country.
The irruption of the name of Mario Draghi ”-and the many transversal consents that he collects- must be read in this key (even Salvini, as well as Berlusconi, long ago had words of esteem and openness to the role that he can play). De Benedetti expressed himself in those terms and – as Bettini says – the Italian establishment bombs the government, it is reasonable to think that even in the EU they realize the extreme unreliability of ConteBis.
THE TIME OF THE KNOT
The EU was in fact its actual sponsor because it needed an executive in Rome who would, in effect, “carry out” what was decided elsewhere (in Brussels and Berlin). But now? After the Covid storm, in the face of the Rome government’s inability to even come up with credible plans for European funding, are we sure they are still so convinced? Even internationally it has been understood that Italy cannot be left in the hands of Grillo and Zingaretti because a collapse of Italy would lead to a general disaster. For the center-right, opening a dialogue with Italian and European establishments, postponing long-term discussions on Europe to other historical phases, can help provide the country with a more representative and appropriate government structure for the dramatic situation we are experiencing. . . It means choosing reformist gradualism over maximalism.
It means “doing politics” rather than demanding sterile early elections that will never be granted. It is the moment of the knot, not of the nail: politics is the patient art that knows how to untie knots, especially when the decisive gesture of nailing the nail is not possible. Remembering – with Joseph Ratzinger – that in politics true morality lies “in the realism of reason”, in “putting into practice what is possible”. It is not about “claiming the impossible with a burning heart.”
[ad_2]
